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Emil Revyuk 

editor of the Svoboda^ the Ukrainian daily. 
Jersey City, N. J. 



Printed in tiie United States of America 
by the Svoboda Press. Jersey City, N. J. 


This book is published in pursuanc^ of the resolution passed 
at the Fifth Congress of the United Ukrainian Organizations 
of the United States, held in New York City, on October 23, 1930. 

The expenses of the publication were defrayed by private 
contributions of Ukrainians in America. The largest individual 
contributions were made by the Ukrainian National Association, 
Jersey City, New Jersey, and the Committee of the United Ukra- 
inian Societies of Newark, New Jersey. 


I cannot deny myself the pleasure of thanking publicly Dr. 
Luke Myshuha and Mr. Volodymyr KedroVsky, associate editors 
of the "Svoboda," who, by taking upon themselves disinterestedly 
my duties towards the newspaper, have made it possible for me 
to devote my time to the preparation of this book. 

I also thank Mr. Joseph Stetkewicz, Miss Vera Stetkewicz, 
Mr. Joseph Daniel Stetkewicz, and Mr. Waldimir Semenyna, who 
read the MS. of this book and gave me many valuable comments 
and made corrections which were the more valuable as we were 
hard pressed for time (which naturally resulted in many errors 
creeping into the text). 

The Index was prepared by Mr. W. Semenyna. 
. I must acknowledge further my indebtedness to many friends 
in Europe, who sent to me various material for this publication, 
most of whom have to remain anonymous. I must add with a 
great regret that sopie of the material was received too late for 
inclusion in the book. Of this material, the depositions by the 
victims of the Polish atrocities in Ukraine and a Ukrainian "in- 
terpellation" in the Polish Parliament, to the Minister of War, 
deserve especially to be published in English. This material, to- 
gether with other data that may follow, such as reports of further 
proceedings in this matter before Polish court and the Polish Par- 
liament as well as before the League of Nations, is very likely to 
constitute another volume if the publication of it will prove neces- 
sary. I 

The map on page 11, is reprinted by the courtesy of the New 
York Herald Tribune. The map at the end of the book was 
prepared by Rand McNally and Co., of New York, after the etno- 
graphic map by Prof. Lubomir Niederle, the famous Czech scholar. 

E. R. 



Preface 3 

I. One of the First Polish Reports 7 

II. Ukrainian Paper Tries to Report 8 

III. The Report of Mr. John Elliott, of the New York 

Herald Tribune 8 

IV. A Batch of Polish Denials 14 

V. Another American Report (The Christian Science 

Monitor) 16 

VI. The Polish Ambassador's Indignant Denial 18 

VII. Report of the Leading English Paper (The Man- 
chester Guardian) 20 

VIII. An Eye-Witness Reports (Dr. William Borak) 24 

IX. Another American Report (The New York Times) 27 
X. A Pastoral Letter Suppressed for Confirming Official 

Terror 30 

XI. A Batch of Letters from the Land of Terror 33 

XII. Testimony of an American^ 42 

XIII. The Testimony of the Ukrainian Boy Scouts 44 

XIV. Testimony of a Bishop 47 

XV. Testimony of an American Victim of Polish Atro- 
cities 53 

XVI. Testimony of a Canadian Who Visited the Land of 

Terror 57 

XVII. Testimony of Mr. Negley Farson, of the Chicago 

Daily News 60 

XVII. The Obstacles of Ukrainian Press in Investigating 

Atrocities 63 

XVIII. Polish Government and Public Opposed to Inves- 
tigations by Foreign Correspondents 69 

XIX. A Polish Organ on Mr. Negley Farson and the 

Tiutko's Case 72 

XX. "The Manchester Guardian" on Mr. Farson's Report 75 
XXI. Ukrainian Press Reports Deaths as the Result of 

Polish Atrocities 78 

XXII. Polish Censorship Reaches for the Press in America 82 

XXIII. Truth is no Defense against the Suppression of a 

Press Report 82 

XXIV. The Report of the London Times 83 




XXV. Testimony of a Canadian Traveling in Galicia 134 

XXVI. Investigation by Miss Mary Sheepshanks 137 

XXVII. The Testimony of a Nurse 143 

XXVIII. Polish Government Interferes with Relief for 

Sufferers 149 

XXIX. Some More Reports of Deaths 150 

XXX. The Wholesale Attack of the Polish Government on 

the Ukrainian Civilization 152 

XXXI. The Ukrainians Appeal for Protection to Polish 

Administration . 180 

XXXII. "Revanche" 194 

XXXIII. Polish Courts and the Atrocities in Ukraine 218 

XXXIV. Polish Parliament and "Pacification" 237 

XXXV. The ' 'Pacification" Refore the Public Opinion 408 

XXXVI. Atrocities in Ukraine Refore the Governments and 

the League of Nations 436 


I. The Ukrainians under Poland 487 

II. The Land Problem in Western Ukraine 492 

III. The Polish Colonization of Western Ukraine 498 

An Appeal to the World's Opinion 504 

Index 506 








About the beginning of October the news came from Western 
Ukraine that detachments of Polish soldiery had overrun the 
country and inaugurated a reign of terror. Polish newspapers 
in America hastened to deny the news; if the news were true, 
they saidj the Polish press in Poland would write about the terror; 
if the important Polish newspapers of Warsaw are silent about 
such a great piece of news, it must be because the report is false. 

As a matter of fact, the "important papers of Warsaw" were 
silent about the events in Poland's "borderlands." But the Polish 
newspapers of these "borderlands", notably those of Lviv, the 
capital of Western Ukraine, and even those of Cracow, in Poland 
proper, did write quite extensively about the "great police ex- 
peditions into Eastern Little Poland" and displayed the news on 
their front pages. These papers were on sale on foreign-news- 
paper stands in America. 

Some Ukrainian leaders stole out of Poland and from Prague 
appealed to their friends in America to help morally and materially 
the Ukrainians under Polish occupation, to protest against the 
Polish atrocities to the American government and American public 
opinion and to collect money for rebuilding the country ruined by 
Polish expeditions. American and English papers had already 
come upon the news and the foreign correspondents of some of 
them gave extensive reports of the Polish reign of terror in West- 
ern Ukraine. The readers of these papers read with astonish- 
ment of brutalities perpetrated almost in the center of Europe, 
of a ferocity and extent considered possible only in Africa. Seven 
million people were made victims of oppressions which seemed to 
have come to an end with the Dark Ages. Centuries of struggle 
of the oppressed rose out of the history sketched by the reports. 
And the perpetrator of the misdeeds was the nation that only 
yesterday appealed for the sympathy of the world against foreign 

Ukrainian immigrants in America and Canada, anxious about 
the safety of their kin, appealed to the American government to 
prevail upon Poland to stop the atrocities. They also suggested the 
setting up of an impartial commission to investigate the reports. 


Modest as these demands were they goaded the various agencies 
of Polish propaganda to unusual activity. Polish denials, which 
had gradually died out under the weight of evidence from the 
Polish press itself, cropped up aneiv. This time, however, it was 
not the Polish newspapers in America which ivere issuing denials^ 
but the various official representatives of the Polish government 
in this country. The reports were mocked at as impossible. The 
correspondents who signed their names to reports were attacked 
as dishonest. Galicia ivas represented as enjoying peace and 
prosperity. Every race ivas cdleged to have equal rights with the 
Poles. American correspondents luere invited to come to Poland 
and see for themselves. 

An American reporter taking the invitation of Polish ambas- 
sadors at its face value, ivent to Galicia to investigate. He went 
there armed with the necessary visas and with letters of introduc- 
tion to the highest officials of the country. But ivhen he dared 
to go into the country to "see for himself," he was arrested and 
his notes and photos ivere taken away from him. Other travel- 
ers in Galicia, American and Canadian, had similar experiences. 
One of them, an American citizen, ivas badly beaten by Polish 

With these reports coming in, the people examined other 
matters touched upon by Polish agents. Are the so-called minority 
races under Poland really free to develop their culture and 
religion unhampered? The interest in the whole problem of 
self-determination of nationalities ivas revived. Once again 
the eyes of the enlightened public were turned to that section of 
Europe, upon which they had been focused for years after the 
outbreak of the^ World War, on that meeting line of Central and 
Eastern Europe, where races, religions and cultures meet and 
collide. Were not the problems of these peoples solved yet as it 
had been promised they would be solved by the victors in the 
World War? Have they not been solved by the various peace 
treaties following the victory of the Allies? Was not Poland a 
modern. Western power, with a democratic government, respons- 
ible to the parliament, with properly oonstituted judiciary able 
to handle any kind of abuses? 

In November 1930, elections were held to the Polish parlia- 
ment (sejm) at Warsaw, and the methods used by the Polish 
government to win a majority in the, houses of the "sejm" were 
so openly high-handed against all kinds of opposition, even amongst 
the Poles themselves, that the Polish agents had not one leg 
left to stand upon. It ivas clear that with such "Polish" elections, 


with the government itself engineering election frauds^ the Polish 
parliament was no longer a defender of popular liberties. The 
Polish courts naturally followed the corruption of justice in the 
purely administrative branch. 

Realizing the uselessness of the Polish administration, courts 
and parliament for the vindication of their rights, the Ukrainians 
and their friends appealed to the governments of the Allied Powers, 
pointing out their responsibility in the Polish occupation of East^ 
em Galicia. The attitude of these governments towards the 
country which they had disposed of without considering the wishes 
of the people concerned is a lesson in international politics. 

Only the governments more conscious of their obligations 
directed the Ukrainians to the international agencies set up 
fbr the defense of oppressed groups^ primarily the League of 
Nations. Poland had not only guaranteed the rights of racial 
minorities but acknowledged the League of Nations as the proper 
tribunal before lohich those ivho feel wronged should come for 
redress. The Ukrainians made no secret of their desire to take 
advantage of that right. What attitude has the Polish govern- 
ment taken toiuards these efforts? The experiences of Ukra- 
inian lawyers ivho have been suspected of collecting evidence for 
the use of the League of Nations, the experiences of a Ukrainian- 
American nurse in the country of her birth, and fincdly those of 
a Canadian doctor, who did not believe the stories of his Ukrainian 
colleagues, illustrate this attitude very ivell. Poland's action in 
this matter stands out the more clearly as she herself appeals to 
the League in behcdf of the Poles under the German rule. 

In the Polish propaganda outside of Poland there was another 
shifting of the ground. The fact of mass repressions was no 
longer denied, but various fustifications, excuses and extenuations 
were offered. In Europe they bitterly attack the interest of the 
American public opinion in the plight of Ukraine as an interfer- 
ence into the affairs of another country, though Poland herself had 
signed treaties recognizing the interference of other countries 
for the so-called racial minorities as legitimate. In America 
they play to the anti-German war sentiment, representing all the 
Ukrainians as paid German agents, or charge all the Ukrainians 
who dare to protest against Polish atrocities as communists. 
Material self-interest is not forgotten, and business corporations' 
doing business in Poland are circularized by the Polish govern- 
ment agents to bear a pressure upon the American government to 
keep silent on the Polish atrocities for the sake of American 
business in Poland. 


The stream of this propaganda finds in America a ready 
river-bed. America was indirectly a party to the international 
treaties creating Poland and guaranteeing freedom from oppression 
to the racial minorities under Poland, but many Americans find 
it convenient to disclaim all responsibility for the plight of the 
minorities. The position of some fifteen million non-Poles under 
Poland seems unimportant, though the World War came 
directly as a result of much smaller oppression. We talk 
of international disarmament, but close our eyes to the danger 
spots of Europe, of which Eastern Galicia is one of the sorest. 
We debate the possible success of pan-Europe, and do not care 
to take sides in any such problem as Galicia on the ground that 
it is debatable. We think that we work for peace and the safety 
of our investments when we overlook atrocities, though just such 
atrocities are smoke that may point where the fires are smoldering 
that might easily flare up in new conflagrations and wipe out 
our investments. 

The reader of this booklet will be able to see both sides of the 
problems; it is no continuous presentation of case, but a campila- 
tion of opposing arguments. It makes no claim to originality: 
U is a mere collection of reports and comments by others, with 
a note added here and there by the editor. It attempts, however, 
to give a picture of conditions in a country occupied by a foreign 
power against the will of the country's people. It gives the inter- 
national guarantees which were invoked by those ivho recognized 
that occupation and thus presents a supplementary chapter to the 
value of such guarantees. 

Before all, the editor hopes that this presentation will not only 
arouse sympathy for the people in dire plight but will arouse the 
reader to\ action in their behalf. 





By telephone from our correspondent. 

LVIV, September 21. (C) — During Saturday night there 
started from LviV to the rural districts a fully armed Expedition 
>of a thousand gendarmes under the personal leadership of the 
commandant of the police of the voyvodship, inspector Grabowskiy 
and a number of police lieutenants. 

The expedition has^ for its purpose pacification of the condi- 
tions created by Ukrainian sabotagists whose passions were given 
full vent oiving to the impunity with ivhich they had been treated. 

On Sunday the expedition broke up into three sections which 
occupy as central points those centers of unrest in Bibrka, of the 
voyvodship of Lviv; in Rohatyn, of the voyvodship of Stanislavov; 
and Kozova, of the voyvodship of Tarnopol. Out of those points 
will start detachments of police to the villages dominated by 
sabotagists. The management of the pacificatory activity in all 
the three Voyvodships of eastern Little Poland is in the hands 
of the Voyvoda of Lviv, Dr. Nakoniecznikof-Klukowski. Reports 
from various localities began to come in on Sunday evening. 


LVIV, September 21. — The action has so far embraced the 
districts of Bibrka, Rohatyn, Berezhany and Pidhaytsi and consists 
of searching for arms in villages and putting under guard all 
the suspected persons. It will last several days; the details 
began to arrive on Sunday, but the government has not given them 
to the public. 

According to rumors, firearms were found in all the villages 
(Illustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, Cracow, September 23, 1930). 

[This is a sample of Polish press reports of the inauguration 
of the reign of terror in Western Ukraine. This report was one 
of the first to reach America, i The italics in the report are those 
of the original. Such reports of the Polish press in Poland did 
not restrain Polish newspapers in America from publishing blank 
denials of the Ukrainian reports of Polish reign of terror. — Ed.) 




EDITOR'S REMARKS^ — Fiding it impossible, os^ ing to the 
conditions of censorship, to present even a picture of all that 
is going on in our villages and towns, we limit ourselves to dry 
registration of some facts. More glaring facts and events have 
to be left out of the reports we continue to receive from the 
country, or at least strongly toned down to save our paper from 
expensive confiscations. 

{Dilo, the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, October 2, 1930). 

{Neither the omission of glaring facts nor toning down saved 
the paper, however: under 'the above caption there followed two 
blank pages. — Ed.) 




Armed Force Loots, Flogs and Taxes the Peasantry as Incendiar- 
ism Is Laid to Nationcdist Scheme. 



From the Herald Tribune Bureau Copyright, 1930. 

New York Tribune Inc. 

All rights reserved. 

BERLIN, Oct. 15. — A reign of terror unparalleled in Europe 
since the Lloyd George government sent the notorious "Black and 
Tans" into Ireland is now prevailing in the Province of East 
Galicia, where a Polish military expedition is punishing the 
Ukrainian peasantry because of recent destruction by lire of many 
farms owned by Poles. 

The wave of incendiarism has been ascribed to a terroristic 
organization which hopes to tear East Galicia from Polish rule 


and unite its 3,000,000 Ukrainian inhabitants with the Ukraine 
Soviet Republic in a Ukrainian empire. 

Peasants Brutally Flogged. 

In the Ukrainian villages of the district, priests and peasants 
are being brutally flogged with the knout (a lash consisting of 
a tapering bundle of leather thongs twisted with wire and hard- 
ened so as to mangle the body) and women shamefully mis- 
handled, the thatched cottages of the peasants unroofed, schools 
closed, co-operative stores looted, libraries demolished and ruinous 
requisitions for foodstuffs levied on the villages by the Polish 
cavalry and police sent into the country-side on a so-called "mis- 
sion of pacification." 

The object of the military is to put down a terroristic cam- 
paign begun by a secret Ukrainian organization which is instigat- 
ing high school youths to burn crops and barns of Polish land- 
owners. Unfortunately, in th^ discharge of their duty of restor- 
ing order, the Polish troops are punishing indiscriminately the 
innocent with the guilty and so kindling a spirit of sedition and 
revenge , among the Ukrainians living in East Galicia, who look 
back with regret upon the easy-going pre-war Austrian rule. 

Stories of Barbarism Recounted. 

This correspondent has just returned from a trip to Lemberg, 
the capital of the afflicted provinces, where he listened to details 
of cruelties and barbarism of the Polish troops that would be 
incredible if they did, not come from sources whose trustworth- 
iness is beyond question. The correspondent had the opportu- 
nity to discuss ^the situation with Count Andre Scheptycky, Metro- 
politan of the Greek Catholic Church in East Galicia, just after 
thqi prelate returned from Warsaw, where he protested to Polish 
authorities regarding the deplorable effect the tactics of the troops 
are having upon the Ukrainian, population living in Poland. 

This , so-called "pacification" the Metropolitan declared, "has 
resulted in outrages connived at by police and military officers in 
the Villages where they are supposed to keep order. The troops 
systematically destroy public and private property of the Ukra- 
inian rural population. I endeavored to draw the attention of 
the authorities to the fact that the whole peaceful population can- 
not collectively take responsibility for single cases of incendiarism 
which are accomplished without their knowledge. Tactics of 
the .military do not, in the least, prevent perpetrators of fresh 


incendiarism from getting off unpunished, despite the inhuman 
persecutions of the innocent population." 

In this campaign of repression at least 200,000 Ukrainians 
have been arrested and thrown in jail*), including sixteen of 
twenty-six representatives of the Ukrainian national party in the 
last Sejm, as the lower house of the Polish Parliament is called. 
One of the priests flogged by Polish soldiers, Eugen Mandziy, liv- 
ing at Bohatkivtsi — has died from the effect of the blows given 

The "pacificatory" system of the Polish soldiers consists of 
raiding a village suspected of being implicated in the destruction 
of the farm of a neighboring Polish landowner. The principal 
men of the village — the mayor, priest, heads of co-operative 
societies and leaders of sports and reading clubs — are summoned 
before the commander of the Polish detachment. The Ukrainians 
are required to give information regarding acts of incendiarism 
and to hand over all arms. If their answers are considered 
unsatisfactory — audi, this is generally the case — they get sixty 
or ninety blows from the knout, which used to be employed in 
Poland only by emissaries of the Russian Czar. If the victims 
faint under the blows, they are sometimes revived by throwing 
cold water over them, and then flogging begins anew. 

The Polish soldiers have been no respecters of sex, and in 
many villages women have been subjected to these merciless 
whippings. Sometimes in their search for arms the soldiers 
remove the thatched roofs from the cottages and then depart, 
leaving the hapless occupants exposed to the less brutal treatment 
of the elements. 

Signs of Nationality Destroyed. 
The native Ukrainian garb and Ukrainian needlework is de- 
stroyed wherever seen in homes of the peasants, for the object 
of the Polish military commanders is ruthlessly to eradicate all 
Vestiges of Ukrainian nationality. For this reason the Ukra- 
inian co-operative stores and creameries, reading rooms and 

*) The Manchester Guardian's Berlin correspondent reported on Oc- 
tober 24: 

"According to a Warsaw message, the Polish Embassy in Washington 
has issued a denial of reports about Polish atrocities in the Ukraine that 
have been published in American newspapers, particularly a report in the 
"New York. Herald", according to which there are now 200,000 Ukrainians 
in Polish prisons. This figure should read 2,000. There has clearly been 
some mistake or some misunderstanding, for the report was written by 
one of the "New York Herald's" most careful and experienced correspond- 
ents, who visited the Ukraine himself and studied the situation on the spot. 
The figure in his original report is 2,000." 



libraries have been destroyed. Priests are forced to cry out 
loud "Long live Pilsudski!" (Marshal Joseph Pilsudski, Premier 
and virtual dictator of Poland) or "Hurrah for the Polish Re- 
public" under threat of being flogged until they are made un- 
conscious if they refrain from so doing. 

Where Poland Is Punishing a Discontented People 


Shaded portion of map indicates that part of the old Province of-Galicia 
where troops are administering chastise- -nt indiscrinunMely 

When the troops enter a village they requisition grain, milk, 
bread, eggs and vegetables, of course without payment. The 
community so visited must pay not only for food and drink for 
soldiers, but even for "smokes." Some unfortunate villages have 
been raided three and even four times by troops. Ukrainians 
told me that the horrors they have undergone in the last fort- 
night — it was only at the end of September that thQ Polish troops 
commenced their pimitive expeditions — exceeded the miseries 
they experienced in the World War or in the Russo-Polish War 
in 1920. 


The Polish military action was a reprisal for a systematic 
campaign of terror instituted by Ukrainian conspirators against 
Polish private property. This campaign began last June, but 
reached its height in August and September. In many respects 
it bears a marked resemblance to the acts of English landowners 
in Ireland during the '80s of the last century. 

200 Cases of Incendiarism. 

In the three districts into which East Galicia is divided — 
Lemberg, Tarnopol and Stanislavov — nearly 200 cases of in- 
cendiarism have been perpetrated against the Polish landowners 
in the last three months. This conspiracy is engineered by a 
terrorism society known as the Ukrainian Military Organization, 
whose directors aspire to liberate East Galicia from Polish rule 
and link it up with the Soviet Ukraine in a Ukrainian empire. 
They dream of a great state extending from the Caspian Sea to 
the frontiers of Hungary. 

The head of this secret society is Eugene Konovalec, who 
directs its operation from Geneva, the city which once gave shelter 
to Lenin and Trotzky. This Ukrainian leader was born in 
Lemberg, the son of a state official who today draws a pension 
from the Polish government. Konovalec, like Pilsudski, served 
in the World War as an Austrian officer and later a corps comman- 
der under General Simon Petlura when that ill-fated Ukrainian 
leader tried to effect the independence of his country from Soviet 

In 1920 Konovalec helped to form the Ukrainian Military 
Organization, after thq Ukrainian forces in East Galicia had been 
subdued by the Poles. Two years later he was forced to flee 
from Lemberg because of his illegal activities. He went first 
to Berlin, but lately has moved to Geneva. It is reported that 
his organization is largely supported by subsidies sent to him 
front the large Ukrainian colony living in Canada. 

According to onc^ version, it was the insistence of the Ukra- 
inian Canadians, who demanded something to show for their 
money, which brought about inauguration of the terrorist cam- 
paign in East Galicia in June. The acts of incendiarism arc 
generally committed by youths in secondary schools. The Ukra- 
inians assert that in many cases the Poles themselves have burned 
their barns and silos, in order to collect insurance. With grain 
drawing such low prices these days owing to the world-wide 
overproduction, it is often more profitable to destroy the crops 
than to sell them. 


Careful Planning Indicated. 

The Ukrainians also claim that in a number of instances 
Communists have perpetrated crimes against the Polish farmers. 
Authorities point out, however, that after nearly every fire a 
bottle containing the same chemical is found in the neighborhood, 
indicating that the outrages are not sporadic, but carefully 
planned by the same organization. 

Polish officials also declare that the Ukrainian political party 
known as the Ukrainian Nationalist Order is linked with the 
terrorist organization headed by Konovalec. The "Undo," as the 
Ukrainian political party is called, stoutly denies this. This 
party issued a proclamation denouncing the acts of terrorism, but 
as the manifesto also included an unsparing condemnation of 
the Polish methods of repression, it was suppressed by the govern- 

"Undo" is working to obtain autonomy for East Galicia 
within the Polish Republic, realizing the impracticality of in- 
dependence at the present time. This party obtained twenty- 
six seats in the last Sejm, being the largest minority party repre- 
secited in the Polish Parliament. Altogether some 4,500,000 
Ukrainians live' in Poland, of whicl^ about 3,000,000 are in East 
Galicia, a part of Poland, which before the war belonged to Austro- 

The chief grievance of the Ruthenians, as the Ukrainians 
living in the former Austrian part of Poland are called, is that 
the autonomy promised them when the League of Nations handed 
East Galicia over to Poland has never been granted. Ukrainians 
also complain that they are excluded from admission to Polish 
civil service or the, state offices. They also say that their sons 
and daughters are discriminated against in admission to the 
University of Lemberg and that their children have to be sent 
to distant institutions of learning at a great expense to their par- 
ents or go without higher education. 

No Defenders in League. 

The position of the Ukrainians is also unfortunate, in that, 
although they constitute by far the largest minority in Europe, 
they have no one to defend] their rights before the League of Na- 
tions. The German minority living in Silesia, or the Corridor, 
for instance, can count on Germany to champion their cause before 
the League. But Ukrainian complaints to the League invariably 
find their way to the scrap-basket as there is no one in the League 


Secretariat at Geneva who cares anything about these peoples. 
Perhaps it was the inability of the Ukrainians to obtain a hearing 
for their grievances before the League as well asj the remoteness 
of East Galicia from western Europe that persuaded the Polish 
military leaders that they could perpetrate their outrages in the 
province with impunity. 

No one can blame the Polish authorities for dispatching four 
squadrons of cavalry into the province to put down the campaign 
of terror after civil authorities proved unable to restore order. 
But ihe barbarous conduct of the soldiers in their "pacificatory" 
action has exacerbated) the feelings of the Ukrainian peasants to 
such an extent that a dangerous atmosphere of unrest prevails 
throughout all of East Galicia. For the time, the wave of in- 
cendiarism has been checked, save for a sporadic fire or two, but 
hatred for Polish rule is now aroused among the Ukrainian rustics, 
hitherto profoundly uninterested in politics, by these "methods 
of barbarism" which will not be so easy to remove. 

(Courtesy of The Ne-w York Herald Tribune). 




Sabotage Called Attempt to Distract Attention From Revolt 
in Russian Ukraine. 

From the Herald Tribune Bureau. 

WASHINGTON, Oct. 16. — Polish quarters here, while 
declining to comment publicly, attributed the present unrest in 
the province of East Galicia to the activities of Soviet agents, 
who were declared to be endeavoring to distract attention from 
the much more dangerous situation in Russian Ukrainia. 

In the absence of Tytus Filipowicz, the Polish Ambassador, 
the embassy was unable to comment on the dispatch from the 
New York Herald Tribune's Berlin correspondent yesterday, 
describing a reign of terror in East Galicia, due to punishment of 
Ukrainian peasants for the recent destruction by fire of fanns 
owned by Poles. 

Some troops have been sent into the district, it was said, 
but if a condition such as the correspondent described exists, 


Polish officials here declared they werd entirely without informa- 
tion. The Polish Ukraine, they said, is contented, whereas Rus- 
sian Ukraine is virtually in revolt. The only difflculties in the 
Polish Ukraine, it was said, are due to Soviet agents. 

Consul Cites Soviet Intrigues. 

Soviet intrigues were held responsible yesterday by Dr. Mie- 
czyslaw Marchlewski, Polish Consul General in New York, for 
unres^ in the southeastern portion of his country, where, as the 
Berlin correspondent of the New York Herald Tribune revealed 
in a dispatch yesterday, a Polish military expedition is scourging 
the Ukrainian peasantry because of the recent destruction by fire 
of many farms owned by Poles. 

Dr. Marchlewski would make no official statement, pending 
receipt of instructions from his government at Warsaw, but he 
indicated that any repression applied by Polish troops against 
Ukrainian "terrorists" was essential, in the opinion of Polish and 
Ukrainian authorities, if danger of a political liaison between the 
Soviet Union and the 3,000,000 Ruthenians (Ukrainians) of East 
Galicia was tq be eliminated. 

According to Dr. Paul Monroe, director of the International 
Institute at Teachers' College, Colimibia University, the Ukrainian 
terrorist tactics of incendiarism are "quite in accord with the 
Soviet policy of utilizing the current economic depression for 
propaganda purposes in neighboring countries." Dr. Monroe, 
who recently returned from an observation tour of eastern Europe, 
stated that Marshal Josef Pilsudski, Premier and virtual dictator 
of Poland, was particularly- sensitive to the menace of Bolshevism 
and would strive to suppress at the outset any disturbance arising 
in East Galicia, "wherq there lies the greatest danger of a wide- 
spread political conflagration." 

Province Long Discontented. 

Dr. Monroe admitted that the present difficulties might exist 
solely because of strained relations between East Galicia and 
Poland, inasmuch as the neighboring Ukraine, although a nominal 
member of the Soviet Union, had never been "really satisfied" 
with its Moscow relations. He added that the Ukrainians in 
East Galicia, because of their acute need of food and clothing, 
were excellent subjects for political agitation, and that the whole 


situation presented an exaggerated example of a condition which 
has existed for some time*). 

(New York Herald Tribune, Friday, October 17, 1930.) 



Even Editor of Polish Paper Protests Against Measures Adopted. 
By Radio from Monitor Bureau. 

LONDON. — The "pacification" of the Ukrainian minority 
in Polish Eastern Galicia which the authorities at Warsaw an- 
nounce has just been concluded, has led to serious casualties and 
stem repressive measures according to infonuation which is 
trickling over the border from the stricken districts. 

For some time past there have been growing indications that 
the Ukrainians were becoming exasperated with political and 
economic conditions and were venting their annoyance on the 
local Polish inhabitants, who number scarcely a quarter of the 
total population. Warsaw officially announced 55 acts of "sabot- 
age" on Aug. 4, consisting mainly of cutting telegraph and 
telephone wires, the remainder being attacks on private property, 
the burning of farms, outhouses, and so forth. 

In September the figure increased to 90, and the situation 
became so threa^^ening that extra police were drafted to the 
effected area and also considerable detachments of cavalry, the 
latter under the pretext of holding maneuvers. Although the 
Poles put the whole blame on the local population, many observers 
feel that the punitive forces have been in many cases unnecessarily 
brutal, calling forth rebuke even from a section of the Poles them- 

*) The above statements of Polish agents and friends in America agree 
in one point: they emphasize communism as the driving power behind the 
Ukrainian nationalist and revolutionary movement under Polish occupation. 
It is worth while for the reader to study them in the light of the statements 
of the Polish authorities in Poland who carried out the "punitive expedi- 
tion", which "pacified" the Ukrainians. He will note that the police 
and military, as well as the judges and the press, spoke of their "reasons" 
for "pacification". The soldiers flogging the peasantry, intellectuals and 
priests, also gave reasons for their brutality. They told their victims clearly, 
and punctuated their statemnts with blows, what they wanted from them. 
Let the reader see for himself if any of the victims is ever charged with 
communism, if he is ordered to renounce communism, or communist leaders 
or agents; or at least friendship to Russia. What are then the declarations 
of Polish agents and friends in America in the light of the authentic de- 
clarations of the "heroes" of pacification themselves? — Ed. 


selves, as, for instance, when the editor of the Socialist daily 
Robotnik, at considerable personal risk, protested against the 
measures adopted. 

The Ukrainian grievances which led to the outbreak are 
due mainly to the absence of sufficient schools and the attempts of 
the Poles to Polonize Ukrainian children. Even before the World 
War there was a strong Ukrainian national movement and a 
delegation from Ukrainia went to Paris during the peace negotia- 
tions. The Poles at first seemed inclined to sympathize with 
Ukrainian aspiration, but after the failure of Marshal Pilsudski's 
march on the Ukrainian capital of Kiev when he announced his 
intention of forming; a great Slav federation to include not only 
Poland but also the independent republics of Ukrainia and White 
Russia, the minorities^ of these races both in Russia and Poland 
have been under a severe cloud, particularly in the latter country. 
The result in Poland has been the fonnation of a number of secret 
organizations, chief of which is the sports society known as So- 
koly ; a kind of scouts' organizations, called Plasty and a voluntary 
fire brigade called Luhy, which are said to have 513, 76 and 747 
branches, respectively * ) . 

A feature of the agitation is the part played by the younger 
sections of the population. Indeed, the Poles allege that many 
of the acts of incendiarism carried out in recent months have been 
performed by school children. Unfortunately, it seems probable 
that the latter have been among the chief sufferers during the 
campaign of repression. Rut politicians, priests and students 
have also been involved and a considerable number arrested. 
Politics in any part of Poland is an unsafe occupation at present, 
no fewer than 51 members of Parliament being under arrest today 
out of a total of 444. 

Another of the grievances of the Ukrainians is the gradual 
infiltration of Polish colonists in districts previously inhabited 
almost exclusively by Ukrainians**). There is no doubt that if 
Russia were not Rolshevized, there would be a strong agitation 
on the part of Polish Ukrainians for a reunion with their brethren 
on the other side of the border. And it is generally recognized 

*) This charge of revolutionism against "Sokil", "Luh", and "Plast" 
are made by Poles and have no basis in facts. "Sokil" is the Ukrainian 
counterpart of the Czech, Polish, Slovak and Croatian athletic organizations 
of the same name. "Luh" is the same organization adapted for the village. 
"Plast", which is the Ukrainian name for scout, is a boy-scout organization. 
None of these organizations was revolutionary. None was even secret, 
each being organized openly. — Ed. 

**) See Ed's, special article on colonization of Ukraine by Poland. 



that when political conditions in Russia sober doAvn, Poland may 
be faced with an even stronger Ukiwinian desire for at least 
autonomy, if not entire separation from Poland, than it is today. 

Fortunately this is understood by many thoughtful Poles who 
deplore the attitude of the present rulers of the country toward 
minorities in general, particularly toward the Ukrainians in the 
east and Germans in the west. The forthcoming Polish elections 
which are scheduled for Nov. 16 may bring matters to a head for 
if, as expected, they go against Marshal Pilsudski, despite his im- 
prisonmer;(t of many of his leading opponents, the Marshal will 
either have to convert his existing veiled dictatorship into an open 
one or allow the country to return to constitutional government. 
It is hoped this latter eventuality would mean immediate relief 
for the minorities. 

{The Christian Science Monitor, Boston, October 17, 1930) 




'It is with amazement and indignation that I have read, just 
before my landing, a report of Mr. John Elliott, Berlin correspond- 
ent of the New York Herald Tribune, on the situation in South- 
eastern Poland. This report is untrue as to facts, biased and 
hostile in spirit. I consider it a unique incident in the history 
of Journalism. With frankness, which I consider the basis of 
friendly relations between people, I must state, that I was sur- 
prised to see this report published in a paper like New York 
Herald Tribune, which is so well known for its seriousness of 
purpose and objective information. Mr. Elliott's report teems 
with statements which, indeed, don't need any denial, for their 
absurdity is evident. Imprisonment of two hundred thousand 
people on a territory of the size of New Hampshire is as obviously 
a technical impossibility, as the statement that four squadrons of 
cavalry or roughly five hundred men had inflicted upon a popula- 
tion of three million, sufferings comparable to those which this 
population had endured during the Great War. I dont find 


it necessary to multiply examples of baseless accusations uttered 
by Mr. Elliott against the Polish Administration, the Polish Army, 
and the Polish people. Poland is well known the world over 
for her liberal spirit always show by her racial minorities, a 
spirit which in several instances had been recognized and com- 
mended by League of, Nations. The article in question is based 
on wilful untruth. I herewith invite correspondents of all 
American papers, who would wish to avail themselves of such 
opportunity, to visit Poland and I assure them that my Government 
will supply them with all facilities to get acquainted with the 
local situation in Southeastern Poland. 


Original statement as quoted by Nowy Swiat (''Polish Morn- 
ing World"), New York, Sunday, October 19, 1930. 

{The attach of the Polish ambassador is characteristic of the 
Polish methods of denouncing the newspapers and correspondents 
who dare to write about the Polish government' s treatment of non- 
Polish People. 

The report that two hundred thousand Ukrainians were ar- 
rested by the Polish government, for which the Polish ambassador 
calls Mr. John Elliott a luilful liar, proved to be an error of the 
cable in transmission. 

The Polish ambassador imagines every possibility, even a 
wilful lie, rather than such an error. 

The invitation of American correspondents to come to Galicia 
and to take advantage of tfie facilities offered by the Polish gov- 
ernment is another characteristic gesture of Polish diplomatic 
propagandists. This invitation has brought to Poland Mr. Negley 
Far son, the European correspondent for several American news- 
papers. — Ed.) 




the; tragedy of Ukraine. 

A Polish Terror. 
Cruelties of "Punitive Expeditions." 

The Polish terror in the Ukraine is now worse than anything 
that is happening anywhere else in Europe. The Ukraine has 
become a land of despair and desolation that is all the more 
poignant because the rights of the Ukraine have been guaranteed 
by international treaty, because the League has been altogether 
deaf to appeals and arguments, and because the outside world 
does not know or does not care. In previous messages I have 
repeatedly called attention to the present state of the Ukraine, 
but I have now received an abundance of precise details from 
a reliable source that can not be revealed at the moment. 

In such a condition as exists in the Ukraine there are always 
acts of violence on both^ sides, but the excesses of the Poles are 
out of proportion to the acts of violence committed by Ukrainians. 
I have reported the latter from time to time in my messages. They 
consist chiefly of individual acts of incendiarism and cutting 
telegraph wires. They are reported in the Polish and Ukrainian 
papers, but the Polish brutalities, which are systematic and on 
a terrible scale, are not reported at all. 

Terrorising Home-Rulers. 
The Ukrainians, of course, want home rule and have been 
struggling for it in various ways. In this struggle their 
occasional acts of violence — which are nearly always reprisals 
for arrests made by the Poles, or for sentences, sometimes of 
death, passed on Ukrainian prisoners — are of very small 
significance. They are also discouraged by the Ukraine leaders, 
and the Ukraine people as a whole cannot be held responsible 
for them, yet it is the Ukrainian people as a whole who are now 
being made to suffer. The Polish "punitive expeditions," of 
which I am about to give details, are not directed against individ- 
uals, but against a whole people, particularly against its co- 
operative creameries and institutes — its whole civilization, in 
fact. Whatever excesses may have been committed by individ- 
tials on either side, it is the fact that the Polish police and 
cavalry are carrying out a policy of terrorisation and that the 
victims are almost all ordinary people who have nothing to do 
with politics, whether Polish or Ukrainian. 


I have selected the following cases from a large number that 
are dreadful almost beyond belief. And even the wealth of 
material that has come into my possession is only a part of 
what has actually been perpetrated by the Polish detachments 
who are still "pacifying" (to use the official term) the Polish 
Ukraine (which is officially known as Eastern Galicia) . 

Villagers Cruelly Beaten. 

On September 14 a detachment of the 4th Polish Cavalry 
Regiment arrived at Hrusiatycze, in the district of Bobrka. Large 
quantities of grain, vegetables, bread, eggs, and milk were re- 
quisitioned without any payment. At midnight the mayor was 
ordered to reveal the names of villagers with arms in their pos- 
session. He said he knew of none, whereupon he was seized 
by five soldiers, who gave him fifty strokes with a stick. Eight 
other villagers were similarly beaten. 

In the night of the 14th a cavalry detachment at Stary and 
Nowy Jaryczow thrashed some thirty of the villagers with their 
riding crops. On the 16th some Polish cavalrymen arrived in 
the village of Gaye, near Lemberg. On the way there they had 
caught some peasants who were going to work in the fields and 
beat them unmercifully. They commandeered a large quantity of 
food stocks. They caught a number of peasants, men, women, 
and children, and beat each one in turn until the victim lost 
consciousness. Cold water was then thrown over him, and 
the beating was sometimes renewed when consciousness returned. 

Iwan Romanyszyn and his son and daughter were so beaten 
that they were left in a dreadful condition, and so were the two 
children of the mayor of the village. Damian Prus was so 
roughly handled that his leg was broken. The co-operative 
store was demolished by the Poles and the storekeeper, a woman, 
flogged. The windows of the village reading-room were smashed. 
Similar things were done at Podberezce, near Lemberg, on the 
same day. The co-operative store was looted and many of the 
villagers were beaten — Peter Bubela, a mere boy, was so beaten 
that his life is in danger. 

In the village of Hurowce, in the district of Tarnopol, food- 
stuffs were commandeered, the peasants were beaten, and one of 
them, Olexa Politacz, was made to run along the village street and 
shout "Long live Marshal Pilsudski!" while several cavalrymen 
ran after him beating him all the time. 


Beaten to Death. 

On the 27th and 28th September cavalry detachments raided 
several villages in the district of Grudek Jagiellonski. Ruinous 
requisitions were made, and many peasants were terribly beaten. 
The following were beaten to death: — Olexa Mensals (in the 
village of Bartatow), Mikolaj Moroz and Stefan Siktasz (in 
Stawczany), Antoni Szandra (Kiernice), and Hrynko Szmagala 
(Lubien Wielki). 

On the 22nd and 23rd, detachments of armed foot police 
invaded the village of Kupczynce (Tarnopol), demolished 
the co-operative store and the reading room, and smashed 
the instruments belonging to the village orchestra. 
Many of the villagers were beaten. A peasant named 
Teodor Gzajkowski was beaten to death in the village of Dolzanka. 
On the 23-rd the police arrived at Pokropiwna (Tar- 
nopol). Many of the peasants were seized and compelled to 
kiss "the Polish soil" and utter insults about "Mother Ukraine." 
Wlodzimierz Kril was so beaten that his life is in danger. Many 
peasants were so covered with blood and bruises after the beatings 
that they were hardly recognisable. 

Villages Devastated. 

The village schoolmaster, Mikola Antoniak, his wife Anna, 
as well as a number of other villagers (whose names are in my 
possession) were very gravely hurt. The wife of Michael Szkol- 
nyj was forced to sing the Polish National Anthem while she was 
being flogged. The village store was demolished. The contents 
were piled up, soaked in paraffin oil, and set alight. The cream- 
ery and reading-room library were destroyed. 

Similar things were done in many other villages (I have in 
my possession some thirty further names of men, women, and 
children who were so maltreated that their condition is grave). 

In the village of Zurow the creamery was totally demolished 
— even the machinery, the chemicals, and the glass bottles were 
smashed up. The persons employed in the creamery were 
mercilessly flogged — a girl named Nastja Bobyk is in a dread- 
fully damaged state. Nor were the towns spared — Nowe Siolo, 
Rohatyn, Brzezany, amongst others, were invaded by detachments 
of police. The Ukrainian co-operatives, reading-rooms, libraries, 
and institutes were demolished, tables, chairs, books, earthenware, 
stoves, crockery, and pianos were smashed, floor boards were 
torn up, clothes and bedding were slashed about with knives. 
At Tarnopol the library of 40,000 Volumes was destroyed. 


A Victim's Letter, 

The following extract from a private letter written less than 
a fortnight ago gives a characteristic picture of what is still going 
on in the Ukraine (the name of the writer and of the estate of 
which he is overseer must, for obvious reasons, be withheld, 
although they are in my possession) : 

"I was going to drive over to the post ofTice on Thursday 
because I had been hoping I would get a letter from you for a 
week. I also wanted to talk to my brother on the telephone 
about an urgent business matter... The carriage arrived. I took 
my coat and left the house. It was four in the afternoon. 
That moment a cart drove up with six strange policemen 
sitting in it. They jumped down from the cart and asked me 

'Are you ?' I answered 'Yes,' and asked them to step in. 

Four of them were ordinary policemen, two were police officers. 
When they entered the room they saw my sporting gun. One 
of them took it down, and asked if I had a license. I produced 
my license, whereupon one of the officers stepped up to me and 

said 'You ,' struck me across the face several times, and 

then caught both my wrists, whereupon the other policemen 
beat me with sticks. When I collapsed they beat me as I lay on 
the floor. 

Home Smashed Up. 

"I do not know how long this went on, for I fainted. When 
I came to I was wet all over, for they had poured cold water 
over me... I sat huddled on my bed completely knocked out and 
saw the six policemen demolish my home. They smashed all 
the windows, they smashed the stoves in the kitchen and in the 
living-room, they broke chairs and tables, tore up the books, 
pulled clothing and linen out of the cupboards and tore them 
with their bayonets, they cut the cushions and scattered the 
feathers, my fur coat was completely destroyed. When they 
were done they drove off in my own carriage... 

"I must have screamed frightfully when I was being beaten, 
for the peasants in the fields, Poles amongst them, informed the 
local police, who at once came along. But they never got here, 
for they met the punitive expedition (that is, the six strange 
policemen), and after conversing with them for about ten minutes 

turned back again. Dr. , whom I went to see, told me 

that as long as he had been doctor he had never seen a man 
in such a terrible state as I was in." 


A Civilisation Wrecked. 

The "pacification" of the Ukraine by means of these "punitive 
expeditions" is probably the most destructive onslaught yet made 
on any of the national minorities and the worst violation of a 
minorities treaty. Indeed, it is a whole civilisation, and a very 
high one, that has been wrecked within the last three weeks. 
The co-operatives, schools, libraries, and institutes have been built 
up in years of work, sacrifice and enthusiasm by the Ukrainian><, 
almost entirely out of their own resources and in the face of 
immense difficulties. They feel the loss of these things almost 
as much as their inhuman physical sufferings. 

The Poles will no doubt publish the usual official denials. 
An immediate and impartial investigation on the scene of the 
tragedy, accompanied by guarantees against the intimidation of 
witnesses, is an urgent necessity. 

{The Manchester Guardian, October 14, 1930). 




Dr. William Borak Back From Trip, Relates 'Pacification' 
by Polish Troops. 

An account of harsh treatment by Polish troops directed 
against the the Ukrainians of East Galicia was supplied yesterday 
by ^Dr. William Rorak, of 307 East Eighteenth Street, who re- 
turned from Europe aboard the liner America last Saturday. Dr. 
Borak said he had witnessed the so-called "pacification" of the 
Ukrainians in the village of Shyly, District of Zbaraz, where he 
visited his brother, Damian Borak, a teacher, and asserted the 
account of the Galician situation in the New York Herald Tribune 
of October 16, furnished by its Berlin correspondent, was "true in 
every respect." 

Many Ukrainians, Dr. Borak said, were whipped to death. 
In the village of Roznoshince, District of Zbaraz, he said, the 
mayor died of whippings. Polish soldiers were quartered there 


for "pacification" for three days, he added, "and after their 
departure the village looked as if Tartars had passed through it/' 

Forced to Provide {or Troops. 

About September 14, said Dr. Borak, it was learned at Shyly 
that a squadron of Uhlans had arrived at Kurovtsi, several miles 
distant, to "pacify" the village on the pretext that the villagers 
had refused to furnish a guard for the landlord's stack of hay 
and sheaves of grain, which were supposed to be threatened with 
incendiarism by Ukrainian revolutionists. The Polish govern- 
ment quartered 200 soldiers in Kurovtsi, which was ordered to 
furnish them with quarters, food and tobacco, the doctor said. 
The peasants were ordered to deliver each day to the military 
command two hogs, twenty kilograms (forty- four pounds) of 
butter, four carloads of hay or clover, 200 chickens or ducks and 
other food. 

According to Dr. Borak the peasants were ordered to spread 
for the soldiers their best carpets, which were neither returned nor 
paid for; they were obliged to furnish horses and wagons, the 
latter being used for their own torture. He asserted that several 
peasants were forced to occupy the drivers' seats and whip those 
harnessed. A procession of wagons, thus formed, was driven at 
sabers' points through the village, while the peasants were made 
to sing the Polish national anthem. 

Saw Many Cut with Knives. 

On September 19, said Dr. Borak, news came that the peas- 
antry of the village of Khodachkiv Maly had .been attacked by 
thirty or forty gendarmes, who surrounded the church while the 
peasants were praying in it. As each' man and woman left the 
church. Dr. Borak said, he or she was seized by the Polish 
gendarmes, who cut with knives the embroidered collars, cuffs 
and bosoms of their shirts. These embroideries, being peculiar 
to the Ukrainian peasantry, were considered by the gendarmes 
an outward sign of Ukrainian nationalism. The doctor said 
many peasants were cut by the knives. 

Several days later, on a Sunday, according to Dr. Borak, 
three Polish soldiers armed with revolvers and knives drove in 
an automobile into the village of Chernikhovtsi. They rushed at 
the youths gathered at the village green and started to cut their 
embroideries, "wounding, slashing and threatening- to shoot." 
Dr. Borak said he witnessed this scene, Chernikhovtsi being his 


birthplace. "When the youths took a threatening attitude," he 
said, "the soldiers jumped into their automobiles and escaped." 
On September 28 a house burned down at Shyly. Four 
gendarmes came from the near-by village of Lisichince and or- 
dered the Mayor to hand over the incendiaries within three hours. 
While a group of village officials and the local teacher, Dr. Bo- 
rak's brother, Damian, watched the fire die out, the owner of the 
house approached Damian Borak and asked him in Polish "if 
it was all right now to take out the furniture from the cellar." 
Damian Borak reported to the Mayor, who investigated and found 
the house had been emptied of its furniture, which had been 
locked in the cellar. The gendarmes, to whom the Mayor re- 
ported this, refused to accept his statement, but ordered him to 
call to his office at once all the officials and grown men of the 
village. When they arrived, Dr. Borak said, the gendarmes 
whipped them, inficting twenty-five lashes on each man. The 
teacher, Damian, being a Ukrainian, was whipped with the others. 

Asserts Poles 'Played Trick'. 

The next day. Dr. Borak continued, a detachment of Polish 
Uhlans entered the village. First they demanded meat, milk, 
vegetables and flour, for which the peasants were not paid. Then 
they began to "play tricks" ; a peasant would be ordered to climb 
the thatch of his house and take it apart, then would be whipped 
for what he had done under duress; another was ordered to kill 
all his chickens, and then was made to sling the chickens on a 
rope, tie it about his neck and march around the village thus 
adorned, singing the Polish national anthem. 

Dr. Borak left Shyly on September 29. The soldiers had 
departed, and the village "looked as if a hurricane had passed 
through it." Thatches of many houses were destroyed, Dr. Borak 
said, and stacks were thrown asunder. In many a barnyard all 
the flour of the owner lay mixed with dust and soaked with 
kerosene which the soldiers had poured on it. The best clothes of 
the peasantry, their linen and carpets, were carried off in auto- 
mobiles by the military commanders. 

Damian Borak, who was ill from the treatment he had 
received, pleaded with Dr. Borak to depart for America, as rumors 
were circulating that thei Polish soldiers would again invade the 

{The New York Herald Tribune, October 21, 1930). 





They Will Urge Ruthenians to Cease Secret Revolutionary 
Moves Against Warsaw. 


Polish Police and Cavalry Crush Organization of Extremists, 
Ending Sabotage Campaign. 

Wireless to The New York Times. 

WARSAW, Oct. 18. — The Bishops of the Ukrainian Greek 
Catholic Church in Eastern Galicia, which accepts the authority 
of tha Pope and not that of the Greek Orthodox Church, sat for 
three days this week in conference in Lwow, with the Metro- 
politan, Archbishop Szeptycki, in the chair, discussing a pastoral 
letter to be issued to the Ukrainian people on the unrest provoked 
by secret revolutionary anti-Polish movements and the subsequent 

The majority of the people in these Southern Polish provinces 
are Ukrainians and belong to the Greek Catholic Church, usually 
referred to as the Ruthenian rite. The relations of the two Slav 
races so closely related have never been happy, the Austrian 
Empire's policy in pre-war days having been, to play the Ruthe- 
nians against the Poles and vice versa. The Governor of Galicia 
always has been a Pole, and so have the tax collector and police 
officer — the empire was impersonated in the Ukrainian peasant's 
mind in a Polish landlord and i\ Polish-speaking official. 

In the last pre-war decades great progress in education and 
political and cooperative organizations was made by the Ruthe- 
nians. The new young and ambitious intelligentsia took the 
lead in carrying to the peasant the ideal of Ukrainian independ- 
ence, perhaps federated with their brethren across the Russian 
frontier. The war, they hoped, would bring fulfillment of their 
dreams. It did not. The war ended and the Austrian Empire 
fell, but the Polish State took possesion of Eastern Galicia. 

The Ukrainian national leaders first refused to take cogniz- 
ance of the existence of the Polish State. Immigrants abroad 


still talked about independence. Every compromise, even with the 
most Liberal Poles, was rejected. 

Meanwhile, the Ambassadors' Council at Paris in 1923 con- 
firmed Polish rights to Eastern Galicia. In 1928 Ukrainian na- 
tional leaders appeared in the Polish Sejm, and one was even 
elected vice president of the Sejm. 

The Polish dictatorship for a time was too busy establishing 
itself in Warsaw to worry much about Eastern Galicia. As a 
consequence the radicals and extremists in the Ukrainian national 
movement took the opportunity to organize a secret military 
organization, led by Colonel Konowalec, and embarked on a cam- 
paign of sabotage. Trains were derailed, bridges blown up, 
telegraph wires cut, postmen assailed and robbed, and the houses 
of Polish landlords were burned. 

Local authorities were powerless to cope with the situation 
and appealed to Warsaw, which sent a special commissioner to 
take charge. Ruthlessly police and cavalry detachments 
marched from town to town and from village to village to break 
up the secret terrorist organization. Neither priest nor Deputy 
was spared — indeed, seventeen former Deputies and eleven parish 
priests are in jail now. 

Charitable institutions, cooperatives and sporting and educa- 
tional associations were dissolved. Two high schools at Tarnopol 
and Rohatyn were closed. The number of those arrested, mostly 
young students, is not yet kno>\Ti, but it is believed to total about 

{The New York Times, October 19, 1930). 

{The report evidently was taken from Polish sources. 

The unhappiness of the two Slavic races under Austria could 
have been remedied if the two races had been allowed to live 
separately, each in a province\ of its own, and not forced to live 
in that administrative monstrosity, the largest administrative unit 
of Europe, that artificial conglomeration of races, religions and 
cultures called by the borrowed name of Galicia, proper only 
for its eastern sectfon. The division of that Galicia into the Uk- 
rainian part and the Polish part, however, ivas bitterly opposed 
by the Polish nobility, anxious to rule both sections, and the 
Austrian government, by yielding to Polish demands, assured 
itself of the Polish support. 

The report speaks of compromises offered by Poles. It 
would be interesting to see at least one of them, even from the "most 


Liberal Poles." As to the charge of Ukrainian intransigentisnij 
the reader is referred to the article of the Polish publicist A. Bo- 
chenski, in the Cracow "Czas," of December \%, 1930. 

As to the theory that the Polish dictatorship has contributed 
to the growth of the Ukrainian revolutionary movement by its 
preoccupation with establishing itself, is a claim which the Poles 
never made so far. The commencement of the Ukrainian Military 
Organization, even according to the Polish government, antedated 
the seizure of the government by the Pilsudski group. 

The report purports to identify almost the entire Ukrainian 
national movement with the secret revolutionary organization. 
The purpose of this is evidently to justify the brutalities directed 
against the Ukrainians as a race. As a matter of fact, the polit- 
ical life of the Ukrainians under Poland is not different from that 
of other races in similar conditions. There exists a secret revolu- 
tionary organization, but outside of it there are other and varied 
political and non-political groups, organizations and activities. 
There are political, parties opposed to the revolutionary methods, 
a fact which the Poles try to conceal now just as formerly they 
tried to conceal the existence of the Ukrainian revolutionary 
group. As in other races, the churches naturally are opposed 
to revolutionary methods. Here the church tries to make its 
stand known to the world, ivith consequences which are in- 

As to the number of the Ukrainians arrested, the reader 
may compare the report of Mr. Negley Farson, of the Chicago 
Daily News, on the admission of the commissar of public safety at 
Lviv, and then declaration of the Polish minister of the Interior 
in the Polish Sejm. — Ed.). 






Letters from Victims of Soldiery. 
{From our own Correspondent). 

Berlin, Tuesday. 

More and more evidence of the damage done by the Polisli 
"punitive expeditions" in the Ukraine becomes available almost 
every day. The following four documents have now come into 
my hands. 

1. A pastoral letter by the Uniate Metropolitan Bishop of 
Lemberg, Count Szeptycki. This venerable ecclesiastic attempted 
to mediate between the Poles and the Ukrainians, going to War- 
saw himself in the hope that he might be able to end the calamity 
that had come over the Ukraine. His efforts were in vain. On 
October 13 he issued a pastoral letter condemning acts of violence 
committed by the Ukrainians, but also the atrocities committed 
by the Poles. This letter was confiscated by the police on the 
16th. The full text is in my possession. 

It expresses the hope "that our word will contribute towards 
the return of normal conditions in our land and towards putting 
an end to the punishment of the innocent. In this hope and 
in this pastoral letter we turn to you, beloved brethren in Christ. 
It is with great pain and with deep mourning that we witness 
actions to which we cannot in justice agree. Those who are 
guilty (that is to say, Ukrainians guilty of incendiarism and other 
violence) have not been discovered, and in their stead the 
responsibility is laid upon the whole people — upon the clergy, 
the intelligentsia, and the peasants. The whole population is 
being severely penalised by dragooning levies and requisitionings 
without any fault of its own. 

"Punitive expeditions are being sent into a number of villages 
where there has been no sabotage — that is to say, where there has 
been no residence to the State, where, in fact, the population have 
been altogether peaceful and loyal. It is with great concern for 
the future that we observe many incidents in which (to our great 


grief) physical force was lawlessly used to destroy the cultural 
and economic heritage of the people and to violate and maltreat 
the defenceless and the innocent. Even the clergy were in many 
cases mercilessly beaten in the presence of the people, so that they 
were humiliated and their spiritual dignity and authority were 
trampled under foot." 

The pastoral letter then goes on to describe the Bishop's vain 
effort to mediate at Warsaw. It urges the Ukrainian people to 
be patient and reasonable in its misfortunes, to "show Christian 
humility," and to devote itself to study productive work. "It is 
true," the letter ends, "that the present situation is exceptional 
and apprehensive, but all the greater is the need for such work." 

Women and Children Maltreated. 

2. A letter writter^ by a Ukrainian to a friend (the original 
of this letter is in my possession) and giving a general 
account of what i& happening. "In all Eastern Galicia," so the 
letter begins, "Polish cavalry ride from village to village. They 
ride at night time, they drag the men ou^ of their beds and drive 
them together in the village hall. The men are then beaten in 
the most inhuman fashion with thick cudgels. Some of the 
victims get 50 to 100 or even 200 blows. Many die of their injuries. 
Many will be crippled for life. The chickens in the villages are 
stolen, and the inhabitants have to pay heavy contributions of 
grain. When these bands approach, those inhabitants who are in- 
formed in time flee to the forests. There is a terror and despair. 
As in the days of the Tartar invasions women and children are 
maltreated and violated." 

The letter goes on to describe specific incidents, and finishes 
with the words: "I could describe hundreds of incidents of this 
kind that happened in our district." 

Paraffin Poured on Grain. 

3. A letter written by a Ukrainian peasant to his son: "My 
dear son. — The guests (that is, the Poles) were with us foi 
two days. They were quiet on Tuesday, but in the evening, 
after they had [left], a stack of corn was unfortunately burnt 
down at Hropiwka. The owner telephoned to the Uhlans (that 
is, the Polish cavalry). They returned on Friday. They beat 
the people unmercifully, robbed, plundered, and destroyed. They 
threw earth on the grain and poured paraffin oil on it. They 
maltreated the people like wild beasts. The history of mankind 
cannot show the like. Whenever they caught one of us eight 


Uhlans would beat him. They have pulled the roof off our 
home. They have smashed the windows and broken the cup- 
boards and tables. The separator was demolished and thrown 
into the well. They cut up the bedding and scattered the feathers. 
They poured paraffin oil on the grain in the barns." 

Wanton Destruction. 

4. A letter written by a Ukrainian peasant at Schyly on 
October 2. The following are a few extracts: — 

"In the night of the 26-27th September, 1930, a hundred 
mounted police turned up unexpectedly at Schyly, in the district 
of Sbarasch, in Eastern Galicia. They at once imposed the fol- 
lowing levy on the village. One roast chicken per inhabitant 
as well as other foodstuffs and drinks. Whoever did not hand 
over his contribution Very quickly was beaten with nagaikas. 
[A nagaika is a kind of whip. It was used in Tsarist Russia]. 

"After this the police violated a number of young girls in 
the village. The following morning they requisitioned 70 carts, 
and thereupon plundered the whole village. They destroyed the 
monument of the Ukrainian poet Shevchenko, they destroyed the 
whole stock of the Co-operative — for example, they mixed the 
sugar with the salt. They threw all the goods into one heap, 
stamped on it, and then poured paraffin oil on it. They destroyed 
the Ukrainian Reading Room and the Library. Then these 
guardians of the law discovered some Cossack costumes on the 
stage of our reading room (we used them for our theatricals). 
They compelled the peasants to put these costumes on. Then 
they made them march past, hitting them all the time with their 
nagaikas. They then compelled the peasants to destroy the Ukra- 
inian "People's Home" with axes. A number of peasants were 
knocked down by them, and got twenty to sixty nagaika blows 
each. One peasant at Suchiwziach was so maltreated, on and 
off, for two days that he died a few hours after he was released. 

"We have nothing left to eat, and we canriot even cook, for 
all our cooking utensils are destroyed. They have stolen every- 
thing Valuable they can lay hands on — money, watches, razors, 
and jewelry. We went to the World War, but never did 
we experience such treatment and such horrors. Even little 
children and women were beaten and maltreated." 

(^The Manchester Guardian, Wednesday, October 22, 1921). 





Miss Mary Pypiuk, niece of Harry Pypiuk, of 159 Tilghman 
Street, former director of the famous Ukrainian choir of this city, 
ajid who has resided with the family of her uncle for the past 
three years, received news of the conditions under which the 
Ukrainians are living in their home country at present. 

Miss Pypiuk was born in America, as was a sister Anna, 
who is with her parevits in the old country. Her parents were 
married in Ansonia, Conn., but some time after Anna's birth, 
returned to their homeland. Mary returned to this country for 
four years, living with relatives in New York, and later coming 
to Allentown. 

The letter received by the local girl follows: 
"My dear daughter: 

"We received your letter which cheered us that you are in 
the best of health. 

"Dear daughter, we happen to be one of the fortunate ones 
to have escaped thus far the brutal attacks which the Polish 
Government inflicts upon the people of Ukraine. There have 
been days that the people would flee from their homes not know- 
ing where to run. The Polish Army would surround our little 
village so that no person could escape, thus giving them a larger 
number to beat up. They usually start with the Ukrainian 
doctors, professors, and people who are associated with the Ukra- 
inian politics, also officers of the Ukrainian National Home which 
is located in our village and of which your father is one of the 
officers. As yet he has not been harmed, but is always in great 

"Many a person is beaten so badly that he dies of his injuries, 
and many more are deathly sick and are expected to die any day. 
You see, my dear, they plan their attacks on Sunday when they 
find all the people assembled in church. They beat them un- 
mercifully and leave them there to die, 



"Our priest has been chased for miles at the point of a rifle, 
and has been forbidden to enter our village. They damaged 
homes to such an extent that people cannot use them for living 
quarters any longer. Barns have also been destroyed. All the 
wheat, grain, and the season's crops have been dumped out, soaked 
with kerosene and burned. Pillows, quilts, and anything mov- 
able was removed and destroyed. 

"There are mornings when we must arise extremely early 
so that your father and younger sisters might leave for their 
hiding places. As you know, my dear, the Poles attack and 
abuse young girls, and its more than I could bear to see my own 
daughters assaulted in such a manner. 

"They do not harm the Polish people or the Jews, but it is 
the Ukrainian people alone who are the targets for their abuse. 
At times they beat<j a person so severely that he becomes uncon- 
scious. They drench him with water to revive him and then 
continue their brutal mistreatment. 

"In the village of Koshlaky certain men have been lashed 
three hundred times in a beastly manner. The women of this 
same village have made some beautiful hand-made rugs which 
were torn into little strips. 

"In our village we have been forbidden to wear our native 
costumes. Anyone seen wearing a hand embroidered blouse, 
has it stripped off with portions of flesh." 

{Allentown Morning Call, Sunday, January 11, 1931). 


October 15, 1930. 

My dear sister: I am in receipt of your letter and two dollars. 
I thank you. I received also another letter, but the package I 
have not gotten to this day. What I wrote to you, my complaints 
against editors, was merely to safeguard myself because I feared 
post-oflice censors who might also happen to look into my letter 
as the police are now tracing down who had written to the papers 
about punitive expeditions and other abuses. Now, my dear 
sister, I will write you how the punitive Polish expedition was 


carried out in our village. Before it came, there were already 
arrests. On September 26, the soldiers who are stationed in 
Hnylytsi, on the frontier, took young boys who belong to the 
"Luh," tortured them for a whole day, and arrested the president 
of the "Luh", Thomas Dumansky. On September 27, the same sold- 
iers arrested Adolko Shevchuk, Roman Sikora, Stefan Ditkun, Wa- 
sil Bakaluk, Hryts Vavruk, Michael Bomba, and tortured them the 
whole day. In the evening, at 7 o'clock, they set free Ditkun 
and Bakaluk. As they were walking home, from under the 
bridge there leaped out Uhlans dressed in civilian clothes and 
gave them such a beating that they were found the following 
day in the field, helpless. Those who were not set free, were 
kept for two weeks and were whipped three times every day, 
each time 50 blows upon the naked body, and they were forced 
to sign police records against their will. Vavruk and Bomba 
were permitted to go home, but Shevchuk and Sikora and Du- 
mansky were taken to Zbarazh. There the "starosta" (the sup- 
reme officer of the district — Ed.) read them the police records, 
which they denied, but he claimed they must be true as their 
signatures were appended to them. They answered that if he 
had been beaten up so he, too, would have signed. Then he 
released them. And on September 28, in the afternoon, at two 
o'clock, the soldiers left the village of Koshlaky. At four o'clock 
140 gendaimes with their commissar arrived on wagons. Each 
wagon was spread over with carpets robbed from Ukrainian 
peasants, and each driver had bleeding wounds. They came to 
the gendarmes' post, where they broke into groups and went into 
the village. They had with them a list of all the Ukrainians, 
so as not to harm a Pole, destroy his home or ruin his farm. 
And thus whomever they met was asked whether he was a Ruthe- 
nian or a Pole. If he said he was a Pole, he was told, "Go home," 
and if he said that he was a Ukrainian, they would start whipping 
him and asking him again what he was, and they whipped him 
until he said that he was a Ruthenian. "You, son of a whore, 
you bandit, you want Ukraine? Come with us, and we'll build 
Ukraine!" Having caught in this way fifteen men, they would 
come together to a Ukrainian peasant and bid some of them to 
climb the roof of, the hut, others, the roof of the barn, and still 
others to climb the stacks. They gave them no ladders, but beat 
them till they climbed. Then they ordered them to tear down 
the thatch with which the roofs are covered, and destroy it com- 
pletely. The gendarmes entered the houses, broke into cupboards, 
carried out and threw in a heap all the Ukrainian costumes, 


destroyed pictures with bayonets, tore the pillows and featherbeds, 
letting out the feathers, and poured over all this, beet soup or 
cabbage soup and whatever else they found. Going into the 
pantry, they mixed all kinds of grain together and mixed flour 
with ashes. Having thus satisfied their hearts, they called to- 
gether all the members of the household and whipped them un- 
mercifully, forcing them to shout, "Let Ukraine perish! This 
is Poland now!" Then they mocked, "Now you have already built 
Ukraine." After ordering those on the roofs to come down they 
whipped them for unroofing the building. One woman said that 
she had a toothache, so they laid her on the table and pulled out 
her teeth with tongs, saying that they were dentists... In the 
village of Koshlaky they destroyed 29 households, the cooperative 
dairy, and the cooperative store, in which they poured kerosene 
over all the goods. One night, I do not remember the date, the 
invading soldiers came into the village and attacked several homes. 
A man (the name deleted), was dragged out of a hut, thrown 
naked on the ground and whipped. Other members of the family 
escaped through a window. Paul Dumansky was caught, led 
back to the court, denuded and flogged, then, after dashing water 
over his body to revive him, they flogged him again, after which 
they rode their horses over him. They whipped Demydiuk's 
daughter. One cannot describe that night. What I wrote here 
is merely a part of what happened. It is impossible to describe 
everything, as in each household they did something else. Such 
is the Polish Republic. 

[Svoboda, Jersey City, N. J.) 


Hnylychky, October 27. My Dear Friend : I am writing you 
to let you know that I am still alive, though my life is a sad one, 
as times are hard and besides, I carry on my body the marks of 
tha Polish hand. It happened in our village on October 8. I 
am writing you on October 27, and I think that my injuries will 
take three more weeks to heal. In our village there are thirty 
people thus maltreated, among them : two brothers, Michael and 
Theodor Rudyk, Audrey Kharkavy, Pavlo Lubyanetsky, Theodore 
Vavrukh, Hryhory Osadchuk, Vasyl Brynyak, Ivan Halaburda, 


Andrew Kluchka, Semen Kozub, Stefan Kozub, Mykhaylo Ru- 
bakha and Ivan Slobodian. Each of us was on the bench (whip- 
ped, — Ed.). We were beaten till our flesh fell off. After 
two weeks some could get up, though Brynyak struggles with 
death, but doctors say he will live. I am concluding, and greet- 
ing you... 



To "Surma Book and Music Co.", 103 Avenue A, New York, N. Y. 
Gentlemen : I api enclosing a letter written to me by Poles 
from my own family. This is a document of our present times, 
^•valuable exactly for the reason that it was written by a Pole. 
I am sending it to you, hoping that you will give it publicity. 
Some of the passages of this letter were deleted for fear the 
police should fall upon the traces of its origin and upon its author, 
while censoring it (such things, too, are possible in our country). 
For the same reason I do not give my address, though I know that 
my name and address would add to its importance. I note in 
passing, also, that the pacification was carried out by the Uhlans 
regiment No. 6, stationed in the town of Zhovkva, Respect- 
fully yours... (The above written in Ukrainian). 

The Polish letter enclosed with the above reads : 

Tartakow, October 4, 1930. My Dear — (the deleted word 
gives the family relation between the writer and the recipient). 
To be sure, you have been waiting for this letter too long, but 
this was due to events beyond our control, as I could not compose 
myself to write amidst the disorders which are going on in our 
region. You could have learned a great deal from papers, and 
I will describe you only what happened in our village. The 
Ukrainians were rumored to be preparing an uprising this month, 
but they prepared it Very loudly and illuminated it by burning 
stacks of hay, throwing bombs into cooperatives, for instance, 
in Sokal, and so on. And therefore came the Punitive Milit- 
ary Expedition, which arranged maneuvers in the so- 
called "boxing of the ears." This is an army of the Bolshevist 
kind, in which you cannot distinguish between an officer and a 
common soldier, all carrying knouts, sticks and lances. They 


made a surprise arrival at Tartakow last Friday morning and 
left on Saturday morning. It looked like war when they rode to 
the village from all sides, through gardens, meadows, and so on. 
They arrested every person who was in the street. They had 
a list of all Ruthenian "heroes," and among them were: Sanoeki, 
Jachimovicz, Bojko, Wira, the new church-singer, and others. 
Before the expedition had time to reach their homes, they had 
already ^escaped to the forest (pine-forest), but the forest was 
surrounded and the escape failed. They were brought to their 
homes. On the way they were beaten so that no one could 
bear to look at all this. They started raids upon houses, breaking 
everything, destroying every Ruthenian printed word, and (two 
lines deleted). The soldiers ordered those arrested to march on 
their hands and knees, from the village to the city and to sing on 
the way "Poland is not dead yet!" (the Polish national anthem. 
— Ed.) and two lieutenants, keeping time, beat them with knouts, 
across the head, or wherever they happened to strike. They 
were so blue that you could not tell any of them by the face, 
only by their clothes. In this condition they were ordered to leap 
over lances and to perform Various other drills, and to call all 
the time, "Long live Poland!" and the like. Sanoeki was beaten 
most. His head was cut with the whip and he bled terribly. 
Nobody was permitted to ask the Uhlans for mercy; even if a 
Pole interceded for them, he, too, received 25 blows, as, for exam- 
ple, Misio Zborowski, who spoke in their defense, saying that they 
whipped without mercy. Then he, too, got his share, and also 
Franko Kunach, for concealing J. Wira, who afterwards escaped 
and did not come back till today. Franko was lashed with whips 
and, naturally, his wife wept more than he himself. The ar- 
rested students were taken to the office of (name deleted), and 
had to walk the entire distance on all fours, compelled to sing 
along the way. They were followed by soldiers and the intelectu- 
als of Tartakow, the doctor, druggist, gendarmes, and others. 
Before (name of place deleted) a rest was made. Then the Uk- 
rainians were asked, "What house is this?" "The Polish Home 
of Sanok," they replied. "Then bow your heads to the grounds!" 
Thus they were ordered to fall upon their knees several times 
before the home — (name deleted). To look at it one must 
have had a^ heart of stone, and in the office they started a new 
"ball". They were ordered to tear down all the Ukrainian signs. 
Uhlans brought in Ukrainians, and they were whipped with 
knouts. Nobody was allowed to come near the office, as a guard 
stood at the Kunachs', but ,in spite of it one could hear the shrieks 


as far as (a word deleted). Whoever was met on the way, 
was asked whether he was a Pole or a Ruthenian, and if he was 
a Ruthenian, they ordered him to lie down in the mud, to kiss the 
ground, and so on. And the Poles were led away to the post 
of gendarmes to find out if they truly were Poles, and thus also 
(a name, deleted), while walking with the druggist, fell into the 
trap, but (a name deleted) identified them as Poles, and they were 
released at once. They paid no attention to pleadings, giving to 
women, for each hen taken, 10 groszy (about one cent — Ed.), 
for each cow, 30 groszy (about three cents — Ed.) and then 
women gave them fowl and cattle readily, gratis, imploring the 
soldiers to allow them to take the students to the city hall, promis- 
ing to lock them up themselves, as the prisoners were not able 
to move. But though the livestock was taken, their request was 
not granted. Tomko Wira was ordered to dance a Cossack dance 
all the way to the city hall. After they were gone, women cried 
terribly for those who were locked up in the city hall, beaten, and 
without any chance of food reaching them. 




South Bend, Indiana, November 18, 1930. 

To the Editor of "Svoboda." 

I received the following letter from my brother in Canada. 
It was written to him by another brother at home. 

The letter follows: 

My dear brother: I am sending you the news, sad news. 
I am writing you the particulars about our home. On October 
3, there came to our house Polish Uhlans, as a punitive expedition. 
It was about 5 o'clock in the morning. They surrounded the 
house, and four Uhlans entered. They ordered, "Don't move 
one step!" and dragged us all from our beds, A true Last Judg- 
ment began. They dragged father into the barn and beat him 
so that he become unconscious. Afterwards they took Peter 
and beat him badly. And your wife, Mary, they dragged by 
'her hair through the courtyard, toward the barn... She 


defended herself as well as she was able and they could not take 
her to the barn. It took four of them to knock her to the ground. 
They choked her and beat her with whatever they laid their 
hands upon. Later they left her there lying unconscious. 
Till this day, October 16, she has not recovered. In her delirium 
she is calling you, "Where is my Philip?" Sister Helen was 
also beaten, but on October 15 she left her bed. Your wife 
was also whipped, because, they said, she had been a Pole and 
married a Ukrainian. They took her for the other sister. They 
twisted father's arms till they sprained. Father is recovering, 
and so is Peter. After the flogging they arrested father, Peter 
and me, took us to the communal office where they continued 
their persecution. Father and Peter were released in the evening, 
while I was detained until the noon of the next day and maltreated. 
Finally they released me, too. Such is the news from your 
home. Your wife, brother, seems to be insane. She does not 
sleep. Even should she recover, she might remain forever of 
unsound mind. 

Come home as soon as possible. Your brother... 

{Svoboda, Jersey City, N. J.) 



281/2 Martin St., Rochester, N. Y. 

To the Editor of "Svoboda," 
83 Grand St., 
Jersey City, N. J. 

Dear Editor: 

I am writing to the friends of our Ukrainian Nation, telling 
of my father's experience in Galicia. 

My father went to Europe on a visit. He was there about 
a month. Then the Polish police arrived and arrested him, I do 
not know why. He was arrested in Bukaczowce. They beat 
him and tied him to^ a horse and wagon, hit him and made him 
run to another town, beating him all the way. They took some 
weights ofl" the scale and threw them on his neck which made 
him unconscious. Then they threw cold water on him and beat 


him again. When he, was bleeding they gave him some water 
to wash himself and straw for a towel to wipe himself. When 
he was washing himself he saw his citizen papers on the ground 
covered with mud and torn in; small pieces. He took them and 
hid them in his shoes so that he could prove himself an American 
citizen later on. While Hhe police were beating him the Jewish 
and Ukrainian people were crying for him because he was a good 
friend. They found a post-card picture of Taras Shevchenko 
and they told him to tear it and spit on it. He would not do it 
and again they started to beat him. 

They took his tie and tore it and put it in his mouth and 
told him ta walk down the street with it. 

It was raining and a very cold day and he wore only trousers 
and shirt. A Ukrainian soldier said to him, "I am Ukrainian", 
and my father was so glad^ to hear that voice that he asked him 
for a glass of hot milk. The soldier gave him some and covered 
him with his unifomi coat. 

The Polish police came again and beat him and kicked him 
and told him to get,, up, they took him to his city police station. 
They searched him and his trunk and found our letters which we 
had written to him and took 100 dollars from him. He said he 
was an American citizen and they told him that he would never 
see America or his wife or children. He was in jail 65 days. 
There will be a case about him as he is on parol for 1,000 zloty 
for his freedom until his case begins. 

I would appreciate it very much if you would print this 
article in the "Svoboda." I am eleven years old and I am not 
so good in writing and explaining this story, but I hope I have 
made myself clear. 

Yours truly, 

Michael Choroshy. 

{Svoboda, Jersey City, N. J.) 

{These letters, with the exception of the first, were taken at 
random from a Ukrainian newspaper in America. Similar letters 
continue to come from the old country to their families and 
friends in America. They are being published in great 
numbers both in this and other Ukrainian publications. Collected 
together these personal experiences of writers would constitute 
a large volume. — Ed.) 





Evidence of an American. 

(From our London Staff) . 

Fleet Street, Friday. 

Further remarkable evidence of the persecution of the 
Ukrainian population in Eastern Galicia was given yesterday by Mr. 
Jacob Makohin, an American citizen of Boston (Mass.), in an 
interview with a "Manchester Guardian" representative. Mr. 
Makohin spent several weeks in Lemberg and the neighborhood 
in September and October until, on October 24, he was asked to 
leave the country by the Polish authorities, in company with his 
friend, whose letter signed ''A Recent Visitor" you published 

While in Lemberg Mr. Makohin heard accounts of what was 
happening in the surrounding villages from a Ukrainian doctor, 
who told him, incidentally, that as Polish doctors were refusing 
to attend the injured, Ukrainian medical students were going out 
at great risk to attend to the peasants' injuries. Mr. Makohin 
says that he did not at first believe that these stories of atrocities 
were true, but after an English doctor of his acquaintance had 
been imprisoned while making investigations he became interested 
and found out for himself. , 

"My inquiries," he said, "proved that the statements made 
by the correspondent of the 'Manchester Guardian' are not only 
unexaggerated, but do not tell half the truth." He has in his 
possession the written and signed statement of a large number of 
the sufferers, and he says that he is prepared to produce evidence 
in support of every one of the allegations that he makes. 

Beaten and Imprisoned. 

I can prove, he said, that large numbers of people, men, 
women, and children have been beaten, and that large numbers 
have! been put in prison. I can prove that men have been shot 
down by Polish commissioned officers and that women have 


been violated. I can prove that there has been a systematic 
attempt to destroy the economic, cultural, and religious Ukrainian 
centres. The value of the destroyed property belonging to the 
Ukrainians runs into millions of zlotys. The Ukrainian press has 
been ruthlessly suppressed. Up to October 24 several hundred 
villages had been raided by two regiments of cavalry, one regiment 
of field artillery, one regiment of cavalry sharpshooters, 
and by thousands of police imported from Poland. About 
1,000 police from the police school of Mosty Wielkie were brought 
in to take part in these punitive expeditions. 

The method of these raids was usually as follows. A 
squadron of 140 or l-5o cavalry descends upon a village, usually 
early in the morning. The entrances and exits are occupied by 
the local police. Then the cavalry with drawn swords rush 
through the place. A list of the Ukrainian population has been 
prepared beforehand, and they are herded up together. The men 
are stripped naked and given from thirty to two or three hundred 
lashes. When this is done they compel them to shout "Long 
live Poland!" or "To hell with Ukrainia!" and if they refuse they 
are beaten again. Search is made for weapons and anti-Govern- 
ment literature. The soldiers go into the farms and split open 
the bags of grain and so on, and after making a heap f)i every- 
thing set fire to it with kerosene. Agricultural machinery has 
been broken, and bayonets poked into roofs so that they look 
like sieves. When it is over the people are lined up, and the 
representatives of the village are told to sign a paper saying that 
the expedition has been humanely conducted and that all property 
taken away has been paid for. They are asked to state that they 
are not Ukrainians, and that they will vote for Pilsudski. In some 
villages the people were compelled to dress up in their Sunday 
best and accompany the cavalry outside, and to thank them for the 
expedition. Photographs were taken of this scene to convince 
the outside world that the Ukrainians are not being persecuted. 

No Means of Redress. 

Mr. Makohin, finding that there was no medical attention for 
the sufferers, established a private hospital at his own expense in 
Lemberg. He says that around Lemberg there are at least 
fifty people who had been so badly beaten that they could not 
be moved. During the war, he says, this territory suffered terribly, 
and theie were three years of civil war afterwards, but never during 
all this time did the population suffer as they do now under this 


so-called "pacification." The German minorities have the Ger- 
man Government behind them if they are ill-treated, but Ukrainians 
have no means of obtaining redress. 

Talking of the elections, he said that in Lemberg 18,000 
people were told to bring documents to a special commission to 
prove that they were citizens. That commission worked one hour a 
day for three days. It was, of course, impossible for these people 
to prove their right to vote under these circumstances. It was, in 
fact, a measure of disfranchisement. Large numbers of men, he 
said, are living in the woods in Galicia, afraid to return to their 

Mr. Makohin intends to publish a book containing the detailed 
evidence for his statements and a discussion of the Ukrainian 
question. He has in his possession many photographs of people 
who have been beaten and of the destruction wrought in farms and 

{Manchester Guardian, November 22, 1930). 

{A true orgy of denunciation, abuse and slander started in 
the Polish press against Mr. Makohin when his interview with 
the Manchester Guardian became known. — Ed.) 





The Ukrainian Scouts Headquarters herewith enters a loud 
protest against the unheard-of terrorism and persecution of the 
Ukrainian youth, especially of the Ukrainian Boy Scouts, by tiie 
Polish government, in the Western Ukraine, which is now occupied 
by Poland. 

The Boy Scout Association has existed for 19 years and 
worked successfully for the education and the advancement of 


civilization and morale among the young generation as well as 
toAvard the promoting of brotherly relations with the Boy Scouts 
of other countries. (It is not our fault that we have not been 
recognized by the Boy Scouts International Bureau) . The proof 
of the successful work; of" our scouting is the fact that there are 
more than 5,000 obedient and disciplined boy and girl scouts, 
grouped into more than 200 troops in all the towns and larger 
villages of the Western Ukraine; a great number of courses, 
lectures, excursions and camps; work-shops and co-operative 
undertakings ; three newspapers ; own publishing plant, and many 
other undertakings of the scouts. 

In Central Ukraine the Bolshevist government suppressed 
with terrorism and violence all scout movement, and during the 
last few years successful scout work was possible only in the 
Western Ukraine. 

But when the Western Ukraine was occupied by Poland, there 
began here, too, a martyrdom of the Ukrainian Boy Scouts As- 

Although it was quite legal and its work concerned scouting 
exclusively, the Polish government and society, having the false 
opinion that everything which does not bear the Polish national 
character must be against the state, began to exterminate with- 
out discrimination all the Ukrainian cultural institutions and 
economic undertakings, which have nothing in common with 
political or military organizations. 

The difficulties put in the way of the Ukrainian social develop- 
ment in all its branches during the first days of the Polish occupa- 
tion grew daily and culminated in an unrestrained and mad terror- 
ism during the last days of September of this year. The 
systematic closing of Ukrainian schools, which had existed with 
success for many years, became a daily occurrence, as also the 
demolishing and breaking up of Ukrainian reading-rooms, li- 
braries, museums, art exhibitions, and many other purely cultural 
institutions ; robbing and completely ruining Ukrainian cooperative 
shops, stores, etc. ; continual raids by the police and arrests with- 
out any reason ; flogging of harmless Ukrainian citizens ; barbarous 
killing of the Ukrainian intelligentsia and simple peasants, with- 
out any trial, by the police or punitive military expeditions. 

Polish ofTicials do not abstain even from sacrilege: they 
exhume and scatter the bones of Ukrainian soldiers who died on 
the battle-field, ten years ago. 


The Polish people "assist" the government by setting on fire 
Ukrainian private and public possessions ; by throwing bombs into 
the lodgings of eminent Ukrainians, into schools and other institu- 
tions; by shooting from behind fences at Ukrainians, or, for the 
least cause, by setting the police on them with false denunciation. 
Even the Polish Boy Scouts are so fanatic and nationally intolerant 
that they fully share and approve of thai policy and tactics of the 
Poles against the Ukrainians. 

The Ukrainian Scouting which, like the scout organizations 
of other countries, has on its program patriotism and national 
education of the youth, became odious to the Polish government 
and society, hence the attack on the Ukrainian youth. 

It was marked by arrests, day and night, for belonging to 
the legally organized scout organization ; cruel by tortures of those 
arrested in ill-famed Polish prisons; confiscating of quite legal 
newspapers, books, uniforms, emblems, etc., belonging to the 
scouts; destroying of clubrooms, libraries, shops, of all their 
correspondence and all books and archives of the Headquarters in 
Lviv and of the individual troops — all with the aim of ruining 
completely the Ukrainian Boy Scouts. 

Finally, on September 26, 1930, the Ukrainian Boy Scouts 
were officially disbanded by the Polish government. Since then no 
scout work is permitted, all scout clubrooms are closed and the 
leaders arrested. Whoever wears the scout emblem is arrested 
by the police or beaten in the street in such a manner that he 
has to be conveyed to the hospital instead of to the prison. Such 
things are the order of the day in a "civilized", "European" state. 

At first the persecutions were carried out under the pretext 
of being aimed at the Ukrainian revolutionary organizations, but 
later the Polish government began to persecute the Ukrainian 
Boy Scouts quite openly because they were scouts and Ukrainians. 

Because of these persecutions many members of the Ukra- 
inian Boy Scouts Association were obliged to flee from Poland. 
To continue to be in touch among themselves and with the Boy 
Scouts in their own country, they organized the Association of 
Ukrainian Emigrant Scouts, with the principal Ukrainian Scouts 
Headquarters at Prague, Czechoslovakia. 

Unable to savej our organization by other means, we address 
this appeal to the whole civilized world and all the scouts to help 
us morally and to support us in the hard moment of the scout 
work which we do for the good of our country and all humanity. 

As the Polish government has deprived us of all possibility 
to enter a protest against the violence in our own country, the 


Ukrainian Boy Scouts Headquarters abroad does so in the name of 
all the Ukrainian scouts at home and abroad. 

Spread our protest by word of mouth and in writing! 

Address yourselves to influential persons in your government ! 

Help us! 

Prove that the international fraternity of scouts is not an 
empty phrase, but a real, active power that unites nations and 
leads them to a great mutual goal! 


Ing. E. Kulchytsky, President; D. Kozitsky, Secretary; 

(Seal) Praha II., Stud, domov. 

Prague, October, 1930. 

[The appeal to the public opinion of the world is a direct 
consequence of the inability of the organization to find redress in 
Polish administration, courts or parliament. So far no public 
response to this appeal is known to the Editor.) 




Rev. Michael Martyniuk, Pastor of the Ukrainian-Catholic 
church in North Dakota, received from Rev. Yaroslav Chemeryn- 
sky, chaplain of the Right Reverend Ivan Buchko, a bishop of 
the Ukrainian-Catholic church in Galicia, the following letter: 

Lviv, October 22, 1930. 
Dear Friend: 

Perhaps it is well that you are not here, for what is happening 
in our country now is worse than anything that occured during the 
World War. I will bring you briefly the terrible news from our 
hapless land that you may, if possible, inform all Ukrainian 
people in America about it, so they may know the misfortune that 


has befallen our people and our land. I, as an eye-witness, saw 
these things when I accompanied the Right Reverend Bishop Ivan 
during his recent visiting tour in the villages raided by the Polish 
punitive expeditions which had been inaugurated allegedly for 
the purpose of pacifying the country in view of the acts of sabot- 
age but were in fact instituted to terrorize Ukrainian voters in 
order to break the united front of Ukrainians and to strengthen, 
by means of terror, the Polish government party. 

What our people now undergo surpasses by far the sufferings 
of Calvary. We visited villages of the districts of Berezhany, 
Pidhaytsi and Tarnopol. In the town of Berezhany the Poles 
have ruined the property of the Very Rev. Eusebius Bachynsky; 
the Ukrainian institution that boards poor students; the Ukra- 
inan club "Besida" (Discourse) ; the union of Ukrainian co- 
operatives; the Ukrainian association "Spilka" (Partnership); 
the law olTices of the Ukrainian lawyers Bemko and Zakhidny; 
as well as the homes of various Ukrainian citizens (of the catech- 
ist Rev. Dubitsky, of Judge Korduba, of the Borodaykos, and 

As a testimony of this destruction, we saw broken icons, 
tables, chairs, sofas with upholstering torn off, pillows emptied of 
feathers, walls smeared with fruit jams, pianos with keys and 
strings torn out, in the pantries various food supplies mixed and 
soaked with kerosene, — houses without windows, ovens or floors. 

Such things we saw in the places which have administrative 
ofTicers. And what happened in villages? ' Can you imagine? 
.^ud how they flogged! Pupils and teachers alike! 

The same was going on in the' town of Pidhaytsi. Here, I 
must add, the atrocities were perpetrated by a police punitive 
expedition, one thousand men strong, enforced by the eighth 
regiment of Uhlans from Terebovla, the sixth regiment from 
Stanyslaviv and the fourteenth regiment from Lviv (Lemberg). 

In the town of Berezhany the police even interfered with 
our tour, forbidding taxis and coaches to drive us so that we 
had to get to the station, several miles away, on foot. 

In the town of Pidhaytsi, they brutally beat Rev'. Blozovsky, 
the former deputy Yavorsky, the district organizer Danchuk and 
many other citizens, not even sparing men over 80 years of age. 
They were all tortured in the city hall and then, handcuffed, 
were thrown into a cellar, there to regain consciousness. At the 
same time all the properties of Ukrainian societies, libraries (the 
books being torn in twain crosswise), other institutions and 
private citizens were being demolished. I would never have 


believed such things possible had I not seen them with my own 

In the -village of Verbiv, Rev. Sodomora was flogged so brut- 
ally that he became mentally deranged. His wife Irene and 
daughter Mary were also badly beaten. Their home is a ruin. 
The teacher Romankiv, wounded with bayonets and handcuffed, 
was dressed with the cap and sash of the Ukrainian sporting 
society "Sokil" (Falcon) and dragged through the village by the 
police who shouted mockingly, "Now we know whom we beat. 
We see that you are a Ukrainian!" 

The tin roof of the cooperative store was pierced with 
bayonets, a part of it was torn off, and the interior of the store 
demolished. The police unroofed the thatched houses of leading 
villagers and did them other damage. 

In the village of Holhoche, they flogged Rev. Kostiuk three 
limes and crushed his head with a rifle butt. 

His wife, who lay in confinement, was dragged out of bed 
allegedly for the purpose of search. Then, before her very eyes, 
their home was demolished. Sick with childbed fever she is now 
struggling with death. Equal tragedies were the fate of the 
villagers. Here the police again stopped us, attempting to prevent 
the Bishop from communicating with his flock. Only on the 
Bishop's firm stand did they let him proceed. 

In the village of Morenivka, the priest Rev. Kmytsykevich 
was spared but the village appears as if struck by a hurricane. 
Literally, every house is unroofed; those that were covered with 
straw stand with thatches torn away; tin roofs were punctured 
so many times that they look like sieves; /.shingled roofs were 
split; terra-cotta roofs were beaten into shards. The houses 
stand without windows, doors, or ovens — a veritable ruin. 

The populace hides in forests, as in the times of Tartar in- 
vasions. The village has no water, for the police drained cess- 
pools into the wells and threw into them feathers from pillows 
and featherbeds. All the property was robbed, stacks of grain 
scattered asunder and trodden into a litter. Grain that had been 
already threshed was soaked with kerosene. Four girls had been 
ravished. Hogs and cattle were seized, hens shot. 4^ 

In the village of Zarvanytsya, Rev. Vasyl Holovinsky was given 
two hundred blows with a cudgel. He coughs blood, a living 
corpse. His wife, an expectant mother, was morally tortured; 
for instance, before her very eyes a Ukrainian by the name of 
Hopey was made to jump from a roof to the ground, then to play 
a violin and dance while they whipped him. Rev. Holovinsky 



was tortured by the policeman No. 662 of the 8th regiment of 
infantry. The torturers were led by the police commissioner 
Rrabowski of Lviv (Lemberg). The Bishop's residence was 

In the village of Vyshnivchyk, Rev. Chopiy was slightly 
beaten, but his wife was flogged unmercifully. Their daughter 
Lydia was beaten so badly that a bone in her arm was broken. 
The Polish and Jewish physicians of the vicinity, by order of 
the authorities, refused to give medical aid to Ukrainiar people. 
In the hospital at Pidhaytsi the flogged and wounded are told by 
Sisters of Mercy that this is a Polish vengeance for the year of 
1918. The Right Rev. Ivan took Lydia Chopiy in his wagon to a 
physician in the city of Tarnopol. 

In the village of Bohatkivtsi, Rev. Eugene Mandziy was 
tortured in a horrible manner. He bears eighteen cuts made 
with bayonets. A gendarme jumped on his chest and stamped 
upon him with his booted feet. They scalded him with boiling 
milk, and pinning him under a heavy chest, abandoned him. 
Not one object in his house was left intact. Here vandalis^m 
reached its peak. The crucifixes were smashed. The icons were 
broken, the pictures of Jesus and Mary were pierced with bayo- 
nets. There is not one piece of furniture or utensil left un- 
damaged. The house is littered with broken pieces of a sewing 
machine, phonograph, zither, violin, guitar, wall clock, kitchen 
utensils, and so on. Not one whole book was left; even birth 
records of the parish were not spared. All this was mixed with 
ashes, soot, broken glass, shards, grain, flour, grits, sheaves, dung 
and other things. 

Yakymets, a student of theology, was also wounded with 
bayonets. From the home of Rev. Mandziy many articles such 
as underwear, clothing, a lady's gold watch were stolen by the 
police. As evidence of their robbery, a suit of underwear of 
Rev. Mandziy was found after they dropped it at the other end 
of the village. Ivanna, an 11 year-old daugther of Rev. Mandziy, 
was also brutally beaten. In a similar manner leading peasants 
of the village were robbed and brought to ruin. Not even the 
church was spared, for the police searched the church and des- 
f.crated the banners, especially those bearing Ukrainian embroid- 
eries. The principal of the local school, Mr. Ryzhevsky, was 
also flogged. 

In the village of Kutkivtsi, Rev. Michael Kozoriz was mis- 
l.andlcd, the village destroyed. Among other things the police 


smashed the musical instruments of the local reading circle "Pro- 
g>ila" (Enlightenment). 

The village of Denysiv met a similar fate. Even old people 
were not spared. Young people took shelter in the woods. 

The villages are deserted. The wind blows through empty 
homes, which were left without windows, doors or furniture. 
The wind moans a cruel song which is hearkened to by all the 
Ukrainian people. 

During our entire trip, which lasted a week, we dined only 
once, for peasantry had no food to offer us. The same despair 
and desolation were met on our tour through the districts of 
Bibrka, Rohatyn, Skole, Sokal, Zbarazh (the villages of Shyly and 
Dobromirka of this district suffered greatly) and Lviv (Lem- 
berg). This is a trail of ruin, too horrible to register. 

"Narodna Lichnytsya" (People's Hospital) at Lviv (Lem- 
berg) is overcrowded with wounded and those suffering from 
broken ribs and strained muscles. 

When attacking a village the police and Uhlans beat the 
people with rifle butts and then proceed to carry out the punitiye 
expedition, the victims being persons enumerated in lists furnished 
by the head officer of the district. After these have been flog- 
ged, wholesale marauding and revelry starts which ends in Avild 
cries for help and implorations of ravished girls. In the village 
of Chyzhykiv, in one hut mother and daugther were violated at the 
same time and the daughter went out of her mind. Many of the 
tortured have died, but it is difficult to register all this, since 
either the mail is not delivered or the people are so terrorized 
that they fear to give the facts of atrocities. Many people were 
also shot, as for instance in the villages of Hermaniv, Koniukhy, 
and others. 

It was the Right Rev. Ivan's great wish to give the people a 
w^ord of consolation. He hastened to the homes of the beaten, 
end in the churches, where the people assembed, he cheered them 
with his comforting words and reminded them of the sufferings 
of Christ the Savior. He said, "We follow Christ to Calvary, 
after which comes the Resurrection. A people that suffers in 
temporal life will be here rewarded, as in the hereafter there are 
Ro peoples, only individual souls. And God's punishment must 
reach those who torture Catholic clergy," 

Verily, it is well that in this maltreatment there was no dis- 
crimination between the flocks and their shepherds. Even the 
Metropolitan's Pastoral Letter was confiscated, for it told the 
Polish government unpleasant truths. 


Polish newspapers set their people against us and stir up 
Polish youth. Our institutions, one after another, are bombed: 
our parish houses and homes are in flames; shattered are the 
window-panes in our institutions at Lviv (Lemberg) ; and the 
Polish clergy, looking at murders, laugh at the tortured priests, 
their wives, and parishioners (as was the case in the village of 
Yyshnivchyk) . 

I implore you to publish these facts to the world, and if you 
have friends in American papers, submit to them a translation of 
this. I assume full responsibility for everything said in this 
letter, as I have no fear, neither has the Bishop. 

I was already searched twice after my returns from tours. 
They evidently intended to confiscate my notes, but failed. Write 
me, please, everything of interest. In my parish at Lviv (Lem- 
berg) they have blown up our elementary school of Prince Leo. 
Would it be possible to raise funds in America to rebuild it? 
This would strengthen the spirit of our people at Lviv. 

[The Bishop's letter was first published in two Ukrainian 
newspapers in America. The bishop, when questioned about 
it by newspaper men, confirmed every statement in the 
letter and declared his willingness to come, if necessary, before the 
court and repeat under oath every statement made in the letter. 
It soon came to be quoted extensively as uncontrovertible evidence 
of the facts of Polish atrocities in Ukraine. Polish state officials 
and newspapers referred to this letter with extreme hatred, but 
were unable to attack the author in their usual manner, perhaps 
not so much because of his high position in the Catholic Church 
as because of the fact that the Bishop had sent his findings to his 
friends in America, thus placing himself under the protection of 
international public opinion. — Ed.^ 





WASHINGTON, Oct. 30. (AP). — State Department officials 
today said, a "very careful" investigation had been ordered by the 
Embassy at Warsaw into the case of Justin Fedoryshyn, Amer- 
ican citizen of Ukrainian origin, who was reported to have been 
beaten by Polish soldiers. Officials said, if charges against the 
Polish authorities were found to be correct, there would be the 
possibility of a protest by this government. The investigation will 
be conducted by John Wiley, American Charge d'Affairs at 

Fedoryshyn has a home in Detroit. He was born in 1885 
at Sernyky, Poland, and naturalized in Detroit 1928. Reports 
from the United States Charge at Warsaw said that at the time 
the beating was reported he was visiting his father, Thomas 
Fedoryshyn, in East Galicia. 

{New York Herald Tribune, October 21, 1930). 


The editors of "Svoboda" (Liberty) had the opportunity of 
seeing Mr. Justin Fedoryshyn, a victim of Polish brutalities, who 
just arrived in this country. 

Mr. Justin Fedoryshyn, an American citizen, was born in the 
village of Sernyky, in the district of Bibrka, in Galicia, and has 
his permanent residence in Detroit, Michigan. 

He visited his native village, arriving there on June the fourth. 
On his arrival in the village, Fedoryshyn, in accordance with 
the Polish law, reported himself to the authorities, that is to the 
officers of the village and the district, furnishing two photographs, 
etc. Having stayed six weeks in the village of his birth, he 
went to Velyky Lubyn near Lviv to take treatment for rheumatism 
of his leg, this illness preventing him from work and from 


participation in public life. The only public activity in which 
he had taken part was to lend a helping hand at flooring the read- 
ing room in his native village. In Velyky Lubyn he remained 
from August 15 till the end of September, when he returned to 
his native village. 

In his absence, the Polish state police had raided his father's 
house. They broke open, a closet with their bayonets and took 
out of it several numbers of "Chervona Kalyna," a publication 
which is permitted by the Polish censorship and which is sold 
publicly on stands and in bookstores. During his absence from 
his native village, a( search was also made in the house of Volo- 
dymyr Vasyluk, who had just graduated from a commercial 
school. Vasyluk was arrested. During the search the police 
mixed his family's grain with hay and did other spiteful damage. 

About a week after Fedoryshyn's return to his native village, 
there were burnt in a neighboring village three stacks of hay. 
Outside of this n0| incidents of sabotage were heard of. 

On Thursday, October 9, about 5 o'clock in the afternoon, 
130 Uhlans rode into the village. The soldiers surrounded the 
village, allowing people only to enter the village. Whoever tried 
to leave the village was ordered back under the force of blows 
delivered with flail- swingles, detached from the flails. The 
Uhlans were billeted in the village. The officers, composed of the 
captain, lieutenant and platoon leaders, arrived at the village 
office and at once despatched soldiers in all directions into the 
village to round up peasants. Each soldier had a list of those 
to be arrested. 

Two soldiers, armed with rifles and revolvers, arrested 
Fedoryshyn. They asked him if his name was Fedoryshyn. 
Receiving an answer in the affirmative, he was ordered to follow 
them. When Fedoryshyn told them that he was an American 
citizen, the soldiers showered him with rude abuses, of the kind 
with which the Polish soldiers usually addressed Ukrainian peas- 
ants, and again ordered him to follow. Fedoryshyn was brought 
into the courtyard of a peasant and thrown into a pigsty. In 
this pigsty there already were 9 peasants. Soon three more 
were brought so that altogether there were 13 men. 

A door joined the pigsty and the barn. Through this door 
one man after another was called to enter the barn. Those 
detained in the pigsty heard, through the walls, orders of the 
commandant given in Polish, "Lie down! Get up! Lie down!" 
They heard the thimips of the blows and the groans of the 


Fedoryshyn was the fifth to be called. He entered the barn. 
In the barn there stood eight soldiers, at the doors four others 
kept guard. In a corner sat the lieutenant. Fedoryshyn addressed 
him, asking him what was wanted of him, and handed him 
his American passport. The lieutenant looked at the passport 
and said in Polish, "Oh, then you are an American! Well, then, 
we'll whip you in an American fashion!" 

Three soldiers grabbed Fedoryshyn, tied his legs with a rope, 
grasped him by ^he arms, pulled down his pants and laid him 
down on a barrel prepared by them. Then they gagged him 
with a rag and began to flog him with flail-swingles. Three 
soldiers flogged him, counting as they did it, "One-two-three!" 
— just as is the custom when three persons thresh grain. The 
commandant would call to the soldiers, "Harder, harder!" 

After some time Fedoryshyn swooned. When he came to, 
he found himself drenched with cold water. The soldiers again 
laid him on the barrel and started to flog him anew. The com- 
mandant called, "Give him another hundred lashes!" 

Fedoryshyn again swooned. He again regained conscious- 
ness, and again was drenched with cold water which a soldier 
scooped up out of a ready barrel with a pail. He was thus 
flogged three times. 

After third flogging Fedoryshyn found himself in the cellar 
of a Jewish grocer, where were also other peasants who had 
been flogged. There they were kept till 2 o'clock in the afternoon 
of the following day. They all suffered horribly from torture, 
hunger and thirst. The families of the victims brought them 
food and water, < but the soldiers who stood guard, drove ithem 
away, not allowing anybody to approacl^ the cellar. 

At 2 o'clock in the afternoon of October 10, the lieutenant 
told them they were released. Eight of them rose and leaning on 
sticks, shuffled home. Five could not rise by their own strength 
and were taken home • on wagons. 

Coming back to his family's home, Fedoryshyn lay down 
in bed and did not rise for four days, being not only unable to 
rise bu(t also to turn about. On Sunday, October 12, Fedory- 
shyn succeeded in hiring a peasant to ride to Bibrka to fetch a 
doctor, but all the doctors refused to go, for they feared to be cited 
as witnesses. On October 14, all those who had been flogged 
were summoned to court, where a criminal judge took a deposi- 
tion from each. Two of them remained in the hospital at Bibrka, 
Fedoryshyn hiring a peasant to> aid him in reaching Warsaw. 


On October 15, Fedoryshyn applied to the American consul 
at Warsaw. Here two American doctors examined him and 
described his injuries. Here he swore out an affidavit of the 
flogging. From here he was sent to the American Embassy, 
where he was ordered to take a hotel room and to phone the 
Embassy in case of further trouble. He took up his abode in 
the hotel. 

On October 17, the secretary of the Embassy told Fedoryshyn 
tha^ he would go with him to his native village. They started 
from Warsaw on October 17. On October 18 they arrived at 
Lviv, where they were awaited by an automobile. They started 
at once from Lviv for Bibrka. Arriving there, they stopped 
before the office of the "starosta" ^supreme district officer). The 
secretary of the Embassy entered the office with Fedoryshyn's 
documents, passport and the certificate of registration. After a 
half hour's conversation they left for the native village. In the 
village, the Secretary told Fedoryshyn to get ready for departure 
from the village within an hour, and he himself went to the 
mayor to ask whether Fedoryshyn had properly reported himself 
with the officers of the village and shown his passport. 

On October 18, the Secretary of Embassy accompanied Fedo- 
ryshyn back to Lviv and sent him out by train to the seaport. 
From Berlin Fedoryshyn was to send him a postal card as sign that 
he had passed the Polish frontier without further trouble from 
the Polish government. He was ordered to appear at the 
Department of State at Washington. 

Fedoryshyn is suing Poland for injury. 

{Svoboda, Ukrainian daily, Jersey City, New Jersey, 

November 11, 1930)*). 

*) Soon after Mr. Fedoryshyn's visit at the American Embassy 
at Warsaw the report's reached the Polish press that the State 
Department at Washington had ordered a "very careful" investiga- 
tion into Mr. Fedoryshyn's case. The Polish press started at 
once a campaign of slander against Mr. Fedoryshyn. "Gazeta 
Poranna," of Lviv, lorote under the caption: A SABOTAGIST 

Polish newspapers in America were more careful in repeating 
the charge. — Ed. 






Dr. W. F. Dey Held In Jail at Lemberg and Accused of Being Spy. 

"It's apparently dangerous to be in Poland even if they think 
you are a newspaperman." 

Dr. W. F. Dey, former Winnipeg physician, who has now a 
practice in Carlsbad, famous European Spa, was recalling his 
experiences in Poland last October when he was given the third 
degree for nearly 24 hours by the Polish political police. He is 
in Winnipeg on a visit. 

"While I was in jail in Lemberg, Poland, undergoing a 
cross-examination by the police, big headlines in the Polish news- 
papers all over the country were accusing me, among other things, 
of being a paid spy of a Ukrainian revolutionary party, a German 
agent, a Russian-Canadian sent over to foment trouble, and a 
correspondent of "The Canadian Times," whatever that is." 

Drove Through Poland. 

"Why was I arrested?" Here Dr. Dey smiled and told a 
story of international complications that read like a chapter from 
E. Philips Oppenheim. 

The season being over at Carlsbad, Czechoslovakia, early in 
October last year, Dr. Dey decided to motor with some friends to 
Paris for a holiday by way of a round-about route through Central 

Stopping at Lemberg, in Poland, Dr. Dej^ heard for the first 
time of the terrorism which the Poles were said to have visited 
upon the Ukrainian citizens in Eastern Galicia, now part of 

He was told that Polish physicians were refusing to render 
first aid to the victims of the attacks in 700 Ukrainian villages 
and that Ukrainian doctors were prevented from coming to their 
assistance. On October 20, he visited a Ukrainian village near 
Lemberg to see things for himself. 


Ukrainians Badly Beaten. 

Amazed at what he had seen, he visited two other Ukrainian 
villages which had been attacked, on the following day. In the 
three villages, he saw some 39 Ukrainian men who had been so 
badly beaten with canes that they required medical treatment. 
Eight of the men were crippled and had to be carried away on 
stretchers. Ukrainian cooperative stores and reading rooms 
had been ransacked and their contents destroyed. 

"This widespread terrorism," Dr. Dey declared, "was part 
of the Polish plan to check efforts of Ukrainian citizens of Poland 
to retain their national identity." 

While in the last of the three villages which he visited. Dr. 
Dey was confronted by a Polish political officer, who, at the point 
of a gun, conducted him and the party he was with to Lemberg, 
and prison. 

Ordered to Leave. 

"We were each kept in a separate room. From 8 p. m. to 
1 a. m. the police questioned me closely, trying to get me to admit 
I was a newspaper correspondent or at least some sort of paid 
agent. I was refused a request to see the British consul. 

"The examination continued in the morning. Every half 
hour some one would come in with a different array of questions, 
trying to get me to[ confess that I was something I wasn't. 

"My friends finally traced me through the car that stood out- 
side the jail. The British consul was told of my predicament 
and he advised me to allow the police to go ahead with their 

After much difficulty Dr. Dey got back his passport which 
had been taken from him. He found that his permission to stay 
in Poland had been cancelled. He was ordered to leave Poland 
by next day, and he left the country by train crossing over to 
Czernowitch, Rumania. 

Says Promises Broken. 

Great Britain has a responsibility in seeing that the Ukra- 
inians of Eastern Galicia are spared from terrorism, Dr. Dey said. 
By the Treaty of Versailles, this part of Austria was handed to 
Poland under a mandate. In 1923 Poland urged the council of 
ambassadors, which included Great Briiain, to make Galicia a 


permanent part of the Polish Republic. On the promise that 
Galicia would be given autonomy, the request was granted. 

"Poland has broken every promise made at that time," Dr. 
Dey said today. 

He expects to return to Czechoslovakia in three weeks, but 
he plans to avoid Poland. 

{Winnipeg Tribune, January 8, 1931). 

{The Free Press, of Winnipeg, Man., ivhen publishing an 
in^terview with Dr. W. F. Dey, on December 24, 1930^ said, 

"Dr. Dey is a well known figure in the city. Following the 
war he acted as neurologist for the Canadian army and for the 
pension board." 

The "Slowo Polskie" {The Polish Word), the Polish daily of 
Lviv, commented on Dr. Dey^s arrest : 

"To travel around villages with the purpose of undermin- 
ing the dignity of the gov'ermental authorities and to set up mock 
'trials' against the government, — this is the height of insolence. 
Such insolence can be received neither by the authorities nor by 
the Ruthenian population, who already have enough of these 

"Ruthenians" {Ukrainians) luere ivarned by this Polish 
chauvinistic paper to show no patience with foreign correspond- 
ents. The phrase about firebrands is a veiled threat that 
ivhosoever gives information to foreign correspondents will be 
treated as an incendiary. 

The "Gazeta Poranna,^' another Polish paper, wrote: 

"We Poles are polite and hospitable, but our sin is exaggera- 
tion. We fe1,e those to whom we should say, 'Get out of here 
and go to the devil!' " 

By these and similar comments the Polish press gave un- 
equivocally to understand what constitutes a good foreign cor- 
respondent: he comes into the country, is feted by government 
officials or their friends, is taken by them on a pleasure trip 
across the country, is received at a palace, in short, enjoys the 
elaborate hospitality of a race prone to exaggeration. For this 
he is expected to behave, that is, never to ask questions which 
might embarrass the government and to lorite a "nice" report. 
The cuttitude of the Polish government and press towards Mr. 
Negley Far son is an illustration to the point. — Ed.) 








On November 15, the Chicago Daily News and the Buffalo 
Evening News reported that Mr. Negley Farson, their European 
correspondent, had been arrested in a village near Lviv. After 
investigation, Mr. Farson was released. The police suspected 
Mr. Farson of having secured photographs showing the results 
of punitive operations by the Polish cavalry. 

Soon reports appeared in the two newspapers describing the 
correspondent's experiences with the Polish authorities, ex- 
periences, which, as he himself puts it, mock Sherlock Holmes 
and the best Edgar Wallace thrillers. 

He went to Poland, after he had read the invitation of Mr. 
Tytus Filipowicz, the Polish ambassador to the United States, to 
all the correspondents of American newspapers to come to East- 
ern Poland and to see for themselves that all the charges of Polish 
atrocities are not true and that the "Southeastern Poland" enjoys 

When Polish diplomats in Berlin learned that Mr. Farson was 
bound for the Ukraine, they assured him that every courtesy 
would be extended to him by the Polish government. They 
hastened to telephone and told him he must be sure to see the 
voyvoda of Lviv the minute he arrives in Galicia. He was to 
meet the president of Polajid at a brilliant palace reception. It 
looked as if the Polish ambassador to the United States had not 
promised in vain that his government would offer all facilities 
to American correspondents who would like to acquaint them- 
selves with the "local situation in Southeastern Poland." 

As a result of his, as he calls it, naive acceptance of the 
invitation, this American newspaper man has been given a 
taste of terrorism which the Ukrainians are forced to taste every 


day. But invited to meet the president of Poland at a brilliant 
palace reception, — he writes, he was taken into custody by the 
police in a remote ^'village of far-off Galicia the next morning, 
was grilled from 4 o'clock in the afternoon until 10 at night by 
nervous police officers. He was subjected to every question 
the worried officials could think of. At 10 o'clock they abandoned 
the wheedling and let him go, conscious of his great luck of not 
being a Polish citizen. Since then, however, he was dogged 
on by meruand women spies as "adhesive as man's own shadow." 
He had an experience of dining in the presence of smart officers 
of a crack cavalry regiment who that very morning had been 
accused by Ukrainian peasants to have flogged severely many 
peasants, one of them to death. Coming out of the restaurant, 
he found sitting outside the restaurant door an ugly girl whom 
he had; met in the police barracks. 

Next morning, before he was out of bed, a furtive, unshaven 
figure slouched into his room and asked what he thought of the 
village of Gaje, which he had visited and where he had been 
arrested. And had the peasants told him everything? Suspect- 
ing a Polish provocateur, Mr. Farson told him it was none of his 
business. Then the intruder tried to pass for a Ukrainian who, 
having been refused a visa to leave Poland, wanted to go to Amer- 
ica in an illegal way. 

Having^ rid himself of this pest, Mr. Farson was called on a 
telephone. A voice in broken English asked him if he wanted 
an interpreter. "I speak fine English," the voice said. 

Mr. Farson and Mr. Frederic Voight, the correspondent 
of the Manchester Guardian, who arrived from Warsaw and came 
to see Mr. Farson at his hotel, found in the hotel lobby five spies 
waiting for them. "They looked so hungry about midnight that 
we almost asked them to have some supper." 

Mr. Farson mentioned all these things merely to show that 
no free inquiry in Galicia by foreign correspondents is possible. 
The correspondent who comes to Poland to see for himself is 
expected to see the things which are offered and prepared for 
him by the Polish government. He may speak to Polish police, 
gendarmes, spies and provocateurs undisturbed: it is absurd, 
however, even to claim that one may freely talk with any of 
the persecuted Ukrainians. 

Not only the Polish government but even Polish new^spapers 
betrayed nervousness at the very thought that foreign correspond- 
ents come to Poland to investigate. "I am sorry to admit,"^ — Mr. 


Farson writes, — "that even neutral foreigners in Warsaw said, 
'You had Letter see the voyvode first.' At the same tinie, strange 
comments began to appear in the Warsaw papers saying that 
foreign correspondents are in the town — some correspondents 
have been 'trying to find things to say against our country. 
As such we should merely get rid of them.' " 

"Anything like the free investigation which the Polish Am- 
bassador at Washington asked American correspondents to come 
and make in East Galicia", Mr. Farson states, "is an absolute 
impossibility, owing to the terrified villagers and spy system, 
which scares the peasants into silence." 

And Mr. Farson had to come out to the town of Beuthen in 
Germany in order to feel sure that his report got through the 
web of the Polish police ,supervision. 

Mr. Farson's painful experiences, however, were worth while. 
He was of the few foreign correspondents who ventured into 
Ukrainian villages to find the facts first-hand. The peasants 
of the village of Haye (in Polish Gaje) told him of Polish soldiers 
wrecking the interior of their cooperative store and then forcing 
them under threats of punishment to quickly restore it to its 
original order; of the soldiers requisitioning whatever food 
they wanted without payment; and after that beating 18 youths. 
The peasants said that Polish soldiers had killed the peasant by 
the name of Tiutko. They had beaten him until he turned 
black. The man died on October 18, 1930, after a brutal beating 
by a Polish cavalry regiment, 

Mr. Farson was the first foreign correspondent to whom 
Polish officials admitted the death of Ukrainian peasants beaten by 
the Poles. 

While he was under arrest, the authorities, aware he had 
found the true story as to the death of Tiutko, admitted to him 
the death, but said it was "from heart failure." Sheptytsky, 
the archbishop of the Ukrainian Uniate church, in his conversa- 
tion with Mr, Farson, when told that the Polish authorities had 
blamed heart trouble for Tiutko' s death, remarked with a grim 
smile, pointing to his black comb lying on the table, "They beat 
him until he was the color of that." 

He has also the evidence that another person died after a 
beating in, a nearby district. 

In the Ukrainian hospital improvised within the precincts 
of the Metropolitan's churchyard at Lviv, Mr. Farson saw 11 Uk- 


rainian peasants, parts of whose bodies had been literally ham- 
mered to a pulp. The victims have been lying there for five 

There he obtained stories of peasants being pursued like wild 
animals before the cavalry — floggings of 100 to 200 blows, 
during which the \ictim fainted and was revived by being dashed 
witli cold water and flogged again. He saw a priest who 
declared that his wife and two daughters were beaten. 

Archbishop Sheptytsky said that he had conclusive evidence 
that at least three peasants had died as a result of floggings. 
He estimated that at least 1000 Ukrainians were in jails and 
that in addition to the 11 brutally beaten victims lying under the 
protection of his church, there were some 50 patients coming to 
have their wounds dressed, and hundreds of others in the villages 
were unable to get there, many lying in their own cottages with- 
out proper medical treatment. 

Polish soldiery virtually ruined the great business enterprise 
of the Ukrainian cooperatives, either ransacking, wrecking or 
crippling them so that they are unable to give further credit. It 
is estimated that some 800 villages have been subjected to per- 
secutions in one form or another. 

Mr. Farson thinks, however, that the story cannot be told 
with mere statistics. The figure of the grey-bearded Metropol- 
itan; battered peasants lying with raw and bleeding buttocks 
in the hospital of his churchyard; Sisters of Mercy removing 
bandages; an old man of 62 years telling how the soldiers rode 
into the village, herded the people into a barnlike meeting house, 
flogged 20 men until some fainted only to be revived with cold 
water and flogged again, — such things speak more eloquently. 

A peasant came from Haye to Lviv to see Mr. Farson. "Rut 
when I fainted I did not feel any more," he said. "I shall prob- 
ably be taken by the police as I leave the hotel door, but we want 
to make sure you know the truth about what they did to 
Tiutko". With spies waiting for Mr. Farson, hQ( knew more of 
the spirit of the peasant who dared police vengeance. 

The Polish Side. 

The Polish officials spoke to him of provocation from the 
Ukrainian side. Razyli Rogowski, the minister of public security 
for the Voyvodship of Lviv, showed him the map of alleged Uk- 
rainian outrages ajid sabotage. He said that there had been 51 


cases of incendiarism in the district of Lviv, 20 in its environs, 31 
in the district of StanislaviV, 73 in the district of Tarnopol, all of 
them happening since July 1. Mr. Rogowski claimed that the 
peasants of the three East-Galician voyvodships had started 155 
fires and committed 10 cases of telephone and telegraph wire- 
cutting and killed one policeman. For this the Polish government 
made 852 arrests, 500 of these persons being still in prisons, 
awaiting trials, and killed five Ukrainians. Three of these were 
given death in Mexican fashion — "shot while trying to escape" 
— and the others "just died." At the present moment, Mr. Ro- 
gowski said, there are 20 Ukrainian priests awaiting trial in con- 
nection with peasant sabotage. Farm fires, he assured Mr. Far- 
son, had cost insurance companies more than 9,000,000 zlotys 
(.$1,012,000). Most of the troubles were charged by that official 
to the Ukrainian Military Organization, a secret organization, with 
headquarters in Berlin, which was alleged by Mr, Rogowski to 
be financedl with German money. i 

This is the Polish side of the conditions, which Mr. Rogowski 
asked Mr. Farson explicitly to state fairly, a request with which 
Mr. Farson readily complied. 

Mr. Farson thinks there is much truth in such Polish charges. 
He says one cannot help feeling a certain sympathy for the Poles 
when the Ukrainians refuse to be ruled by the Poles and want 
independence. In spite of his Polish sympathies, he says, "My point 
is, and there is much tragic evidence to prove it, that the floggings 
of Ukrainian peasants by the Polish soldiery, while customary 
affairs in Eastern Europe, were carried to a length of absolutely 
unnecessary and extreme brutality. Entire villages have been 
subjected to terrorism when the Polish ; police or soldiery were 
unable to find the real culprit." 

The Poles connect the acts of incendiarism and sabqtage with 
the Ukrainian Military Organization, and for the acts of this 
organization they punish ^the entire race. "How much the violent 
secret Ukrainian Military Organization, 'U. W. 0.', has had to do 
with instigating peasant sabotage, how many peasants, innocent 
and otherwise, have been imprisoned, flogged and beaten to death 
as a consequence — these are facts contemporary investigators will 
never knowi for the simple reason that the Poles will not let you 
find out." 

"And that terrorism still rules the countryside," he wires his 
papers in Chicago and Bufl'alo, on November 15. 




The Ukrainian papers are, of course, not permitted to tell 
their readers what is happening in their own country. A copy 
of the "Dilo," the chief Ukrainian newspaper, which has arrived 
here (it is dated October 2) is full of big blank spaces w^here the 
Polish censor has suppressed matter relating to the recent events 
in the Ukraine. 

(The Manchester Guardian, October 15, 1930.) 

(Polish propagandists do not like to admit the existence of press censor- 
ship in Poland. They speak of Poland as a free, civilized, Western Euro- 
pean power, with the usual libertarian guarantees of the freedom of the 
press. They like to quote the Polish Constitution, on the guarantees of the 
freedom of the press in Poland. And that constitution says, in its Art. 105: 

"Freedom of the press is guaranteed. Censorship, or the system of 
licensing printed matter, shall not he introduced. Daily papers and other 
matter printed in this country shall not he barred from the mails, nor shall 
their distribution on the territory of the Polish Republic he restricted." 

This quotation usually suffices to fool a foreigner and to lull him inio 
snug satisfaction that the new country followed the noble examples of older 
republics; but it is not known that the very next clause of the Polish consti- 
tution contains a catch with regard to the freedom of the press, stating: 

"A special statute will define the responsibility for the abuse of this 

No such special statute tvas passed, and the old laics of Austria, Prus- 
sia, and Russia are still in force in the respective sections of those empires 
taken over by Poland. In that territory of Poland which was formerly a 
part of Austria, there is in force the "Imperial ay2d Royal Press Statute," 
which had been issued by the Austrian emperor in 1862. This statute rec- 
ognized censorship, namely the so-called advance censorship, by which the 
prosecuting attorneys acting as censors in press matters, had to read every 
printed publication before it was passed into circulation. These attorneys 
could delete the entire text, or a portion of it. They could also make a 
motion in the courts for legal prosecution of the persons responsible for the 

These are the Austrian pre-constitutional rules which in general out- 
lines still are the law in Galicia, in spite of the Polish Constitution' s liberal 



stand against censorship. Certain modifications were introduced by Polish 
practice into this Austrian law, none of them, however, were done in the 
spirit of liberty. The Austrian censorship hardly ever went beyond the 
suppression of the text. Polish censors, as a rule, bring every suppression 
into the courts, with the result that some of the texts are then released, 
while the suppression of others is confirmed. As the release usually comes 
too late, the procedure entails the loss of time and money, the newspaper 
besides being compelled to publish in Polish the decree of the court. Thus 
even the release of the articles unjustly censored is burdensome and is used 
by the courts as effective chicanery of the organs opposing the government. 

Another innovation of the Polish practice, as compared with that of 
Austria, is the abolition of the right of parliamentary deputies to "itnmunize" 
an article suppressed. In the Austrian Empire, a deputy could bring into 
the parliament an interpellation to the Minister of Justice, asking him for 
an explanation of the suppression. Such an interpellation, incorporated into 
the minutes of the Parliament' s proceedings and enjoying their immunity, 
could be published by the newspaper as a part of the Parliament^ s proceed- 
ings. This privilege, too, was done away with by Poland; noxv Ukrainian 
papers are censored for quoting the xvords of deputies spoken in Poland's 
Parliament, from the stenographic minutes of its sessions. 

The article of the "Dilo", mentioned by the '' Manchester Guardian," . 
illustrates another side of the position of the Ukrainian press in Poland.' 
The article was a series of reprints from various Polish netvspapers. The 
translations were literal. ^No comments were added by the editor of the 
"Dilo". Each item had been passed upon by the Polish censor and found- 
unobjectionable — as long as it appeared in a Polish newspaper. But when 
it appeared in a Ukrainian translation and was to be published in a Ukrain- 
ian neivspaper, the contents were considered treasonable, the article was 
confiscated, the police consequently seized the entire issue, and the publisher 
had to print another issue in ivhich the place for the article appeared as a 
blank space. 

Another example: The same Ukrainian daily "Dilo'' , published, on 
October 15, 1930, No. 229, a reviexv of the Polish press, under the heading, 
"Prom the Polish Press" . Under a subtitle, "The Warsaw 'Robotnik' on 
'Pacification'," the "Dilo" said: 

"In the 'Robotnik', the organ of the Central Committee of the Polish 
Socialist Party, of October 12, 1930, we find an uncensored article entitled 
'Pacification'. The article is devoted in full to the so-called pacification of. 
Galicia by the Polish government. The contents of the article are very 
characteristic of the sentiments and mentality of the Polish liberals, who ^ 
stand in opposition to the government, and for this reason the article is of 
interest to our readers. We quote here the entire article in a literal trans- 


Now was to follow the quotation. Instead there appears a blank space. 
The censor suppressed the Ukrainian paper for reprinting an article from 
a Polish paper, and this in spite of the fact that the editor went to the 
trouble of mentioning that the article of the original publication had not 
been suppressed. Such cynicism the Polish censor does not permit himself 
to practice towards Opposition organs ; they may use at least the pronunci- 
amentos of the government organs without exposing themselves to the cost 
of, printing the same issue twice. 

The editor of the "Dilo" publishes in the issue of December 6, 1930, 
a Ivtig editorial entitled, "Surprises of Censorship," in which he enumeraies 
a whole series of suppressions which he admits were surprises even to him, 
the editor of a Ukrainian daily, who could collect censored articles enough 
to print a full annual of his paper. 

Among the latest surprises the editor enumerates the suppression of 
an issue for giving an "illegal" adjective to the phrase "conditions of work." 
The editor says that he could understand if the objectionable adjective re- 
ferred to ^uch nouns as "State", "Government," or to the name of some 
"dignitary" {the editor, of course, meant Marshal Pilsudski), but how 
could one libel such an inanimate, abstract noun as "conditions of work?" 

Lately the censor has suppressed an issue of the "Dilo" for the use 
of the adjective "Ukrainian" . Such a thing has never happened to the 
paper yet during all the 52 years of its existence. 

Another issue was suppressed for the making a mention of the "his- 
toric period in Ukrainne in the second half of the 11th century" , although 
the article had ?io reference either to Poland or to Polish-Ukrainian rela- 

There was suppressed a report of a meeting of the Polish university 

The censor suppressed a report which was sijnultaneously published by 
local Polish papers in black type. 

He censored even the report of semi-official press agency "A. T. E." 
and even the reports of the official "P. A. T." {Polish Telegraphic Agency), 
when published in the Ukrainian daily "Dilo". 

A dozen times the paper was suppressed for reprinting of non-censored 
articles of Polish newspapers (e. g., of the Cracow "Naprzod" and War- 
saw "Robotnik" and "Tydzien") ; the articles reprinted defended the 

The paper was suppressed for criticizing Individual officials, though 
this is done by Polish newspapers every day and evidently is not prohibited 
by the law. • 

As a cUrio of the censorship conditions the editor of the "Dilo" re- 
lates how the editor of another Ukrainian paper, the ' weekly "Svoboda", 


in order to insure himself against the eternal suppressions of his paper, 
decided to take from the "Dilo" not only articles, hut the ready composition 
of such articles, already passed by the censor. What a surprise was due 
to him one day when he found that the censor suppressed in the "Svohodd' 
the article the type of which had been taken from the printing shop of 
the "Dilo" (in which it had not been suppressed). 

"Out of purely practical motives," says the editor of the "Dilo", "our 
paper does not, protest these suppressions, bearing in mind that it would 
be useless to add to all the material losses caused by suppressions additional 
costs for retaining a legal representative and to lose dear time. And still it 
is evident that the censorship practice' of the last months has grown very 
original, indeed, if the district court of Lviv revoked a whole series of sup- 
pressions and permitted to reprint whole articles and passages that had been 
crossed out by the censor only a few days ago" . 

It would take us too far astray from the main purpose of this book 
if we were to inquire what are the effects of such censorship conditions in 
Poland. In a general way those effects were presented by the Polish periodi- 
cal "Tydzien" (The Week), of Warsaw, as it was suspending its publi- 

"Starting anew the publication of our paper, we counted upon the 
increased interest in the current political events. These expectations did 
hot fail us. The increase in the number of our subscribers and of the copies 
sold was slow but constant. We hoped thai in the nearest future our paper 
will stand on firm ground and that we will succeed in creating a center of 
independent detnocratic thought. 

"We have, however, miscalculated the "methods" of struggle against 
the freedom of speech used in this country, which recognizes no legally 
instituted censorship of the press. Continual confiscation which often de- 
leted more than half of the text of the printed matter from the copy of 
our paper made us, instead of suppliers of thought, suppliers of blank paper. 

"When this was not enough, then the printing shops in which we 
printed our newspaper, refused to continue the work, with assurances that 
they were very sorry indeed. Other printing shops to which we turned also 
failed to show greater bravery, and even when they did risk it, they brought 
us after a week the same result. 

"By what ways these shops were driven to such a strange restraint in 
accepting new patrons, we leave to the imagination of our readers. 

"Under such circumstances, we are compelled to discontinue the un- 
equal struggle and to suspend our publication — at least until the time when 
honest and loyal criticism will not be considered a crime." 

And this is exactly the purpose of the censorship', to kill off free inves- 
tigation by newspapers by means of the threat to kill the newspaper that 
dares to investigate freely. 




The terrible events in the Ukraine, and to a smaller extent 
the Polish elections, have naturally aroused some interest in the 
world at large, with the result that several newspaper correspond- 
ents — ^American, French, and EngUsh — have arrived on the scene. 

The Polish pro-government newspaper, "Express Poranny," 
writes that there are correspondents and correspondents, and that 
while some see things for themselves and report objectively, there 
are "individuals who come to our country with preconceived no- 
tions and with the object of lowering the prestige of our state. 
They are not ashamed to operate with lies and calumnies, and with 
such gentlemen we should not stand on ceremony, and rather than 
let them fuss round in Poland we should get rid of them as quickly 
as possible." 

As this little article in the "Express Poranny" is headed "Sec- 
ond Act in the Ukrainian divergence," it must refer particularly 
to those correspondents who are thinking of writing about the 
excesses that were recently committed by the Poles in the Ukraine. 
There is great nervousness in official quarters here lest the facts 
should leak out any more than they have done already (although 
they have done so quite abundantly). 

(The Manchester Guardian, Wednesday, November 12, 1930.) 

(The nervousness of the Polish press and Polish government can be 
explained only when the position of the press in Poland is taken into con- 
sideration. The Polish government has an easy way with the papers pub- 
lished in Poland. Various officials issue at every opportunity official state- 
ments. If a paper dares to doubt the veracity of the official communique or 
to publish something contrary to it, the government may give it a short 
shrift: it simply suppresses the neivspdpei-'s report. What are the feeling 
of a government accustomed to such privileged position towards the press 
in the land, when it has to face foreign press which is oftefi not accustomed 
to such rough handling? Government officials entrusted with foreign prop- 
aganda feel inadequate to attain their purpose. They feel the animosity of 


the press. They attack newspapers ivith bitter incriminations. And then 
appeal to the home government to stop the "pilgrimages of the crowds" of 
foreign correspondents and all independent investigations, or to influence 
some correspondents or investigators to say a favorable word for the gov- 

And the government, naturally, has to do its utmost, often with fatal 
results. It has the power to penalize inflexible correspondents, to reward 
the pliable ones. Thus some reports are suppressed, others distorted. The 
entire source of information becomes polluted by the hand of the government. 

The Polish government furnished the world an illuminating example 
of this in its campaign against the "Manchester Guardian" . Soon after 
foreign newspapers began to publish reports of Polish atrocities in Galicia, 
the Polish Press Bureau in London began to issue a series of Bulletins en- 
titled "Manchester Guardian's Campaign Against Poland and Peace" . The 
Bureau said its purpose was to give plain statements of facts in order to 
expose the methods of attacking Poland which have been employed by the 
"Manchester Guardian" . The "Manchester Guardian" was singled out not 
so much because it was one of the first to expose Poland' s methods of 
introducing law and order into Ukraine as because the paper envoys a high 

In its Bulletin No. 1, the Polish Press Bureau charges the "Manchester 
Guardian" with the suppression of the official denials issued by Poland or 
publishing them so heavily censored that they become almost valueless. 
The "Manchester Guardian" proves by quotations that the statement, as 
published by it, contained all the substantial points of the Polish denial. 

In its Bulletin No. 2, the Polish Press Bureau charges the "Manchester 
Guardian" with "malevolent anticipation" which, the Bureau charges, was 
manifested by the "Manchester Guardian" in publishing a telegram of 
an interview with Marshal Pilsudski about to be published in the "Gazeta 
Poranna" of Warsaw. The Bureau further charges that the interi-iew was 
invented by the news agency quoted by the "Manchester Guardian". The 
"Manchester Guardian" is attacked bitterly, though the charge could be laid 
only against the Wolff Telegraph Agency. The "Manchester Guardian" 
shows conclusively that even the news agency has not been guilty of bad 
faith, but became a victim because of the withdrawal of the interview by the 
Polish marshal, or the Polish paper. 

In the Bulletin No. 3, the Polish Press Bureau attacks the "Manchester 
Guardian" for publishing on October 10, 1930, a telegram from its Berlin 
correspondent stating that the campaign against the Ukrainian minority and 
the Polish Opposition was about to be extended to the German minority 
and that the arrest of three German leaders was intended. The "Manchester 
Guardian" points out that the cainpaign against the racial minorities of 
Poland has been extended against the Germans. As to the announcement 


of the forthcoming arrest of three German leaders, the "Manchester Guar- 
dian" points out that its Berlin correspondent had informed it privately at 
the time, that he had thought publication of this message might avert the 
arrest of the three leaders. The "Manchester Guardian" is happy to see 
from the Bulletin No. 3, that the result desired by it tvas achieved. 

"The Bureau also complains," the "Manchester Guardian Weekly" says, 
^^'that we did not publish a letter from it calling our 'attention to the im- 
probability of your correspondent being in possession of any reliable basis 
for imputing to the Polish authorities intentions of this nature a month in 
advance.' We did not feel called upon to publish the views of the Polish 
Press Bureau upon the general credibility of our correspondent, whose mes- 
sages have so effectually exposed the persecution by the Polish Government 
of the Ukrainians, the Polish Opposition, and the German minority in 
Upper Silesia." 

In its Bulletin No. 4, the Polish Press Bureau accuses the "Manchester 
Guardian" of "blind hatred" for Poland. This the Polish Press Bureau 
takes for proven by the fact that the "Manchester Guardian" published a 
message from Moscow directed against Poland, without any comment and 
"heavily censored" the Bureau's letter to the newspaper. The "Manchester 
Guardian" pointed out that the message in question, being purely descrip- 
tive, did not require any editorial comment, no more than did another equally 
descriptive message from Warsaw contrary in its content to the Moscow 
report. The "Manchester Guardian" points out that those sections of the 
Bureau's letter containing proper and relevant remarks denying the state- 
ments made in Moscow ivere published by the "Guardian" , while other 
portions of the longuish letter containing offensive remarks about the news- 
paper's foreign correspondent ivere omitted. 

Bulletin No. 5, abuses the "Manchester Guardian's" message on Polish 
election methods on the ground of "ignorance, exaggeration, and obvious 
spitefulness". But, — here the "Manchester Guardian" characterizes the Pol- 
ish journalistic methods, — the Bulletin does not answer the charges which 
the message makes. 

The campaign of the Polish Press Bureau against the "Manchester 
Guardian" continues. The longer is lasts the more evident it becomes what 
position Polish propagandists are struggling to win for themselves in the 
world press. They tvant to gain the recognition by foreign press that the 
Polish government alone is the only authoritative source of information 
about the events in Poland. Other news should be suppressed, or if fea- 
tured, provided with Polish comments. If Polish Press Bureaus were suc- 
cessful in their efforts, something parallel to press censorship would prevail. 
At least the Polish government would have over the press a weapon equally 
efficient as the proverbial red pencil of the Polish press censor. 


To the wide world this might he an unusual pretense. To the press 
of the racial minorities under Poland there is nothing new in it. It is 
merely the continuation of the struggle of the Polish press to gain the same 
favorable position of the spoiled child which the Polish press occupied al- 
ready in Austria and which it has occupied in the entire territory under Polish 

The ambitious campaign, as far as the "Manchester Guardian" is con- 
cerned, has failed. It failed to expose the "Guardian" . It failed to induce 
other papers to take a stand against the "Guardian" . And several inter- 
national agencies, especially the Council of the League of Nations, have more 
than vindicated the stand of the "Manchester Guardian" . 

But the Polish Press Bureau keeps on firing its volleys with desperate 
persistence. — Bd. ) 




(THE NATION for Jan. 7, 1931. "The 'Pacification' of the Ukraine", 

by Negley Parson.) 

We suspected that the author of this article was from Berlin 
even before we verified the fact by inquiry and found that he is 
the Berlin correspondent of the Chicago Daily News. His eager- 
ness to invade eastern Galicia and send back a story about the 
relations between the Poles and the radical constituent of the 
Ruthenian minority, as well as his peculiar methods of investiga- 
tion and biased criticism of the Polish authorities all suggested 
the characteristic attitude of correspondents from Berlin when 
they undertake to "investigate" Polish affairs. 

Arriving in Lwow early in the morning and finding, no doubt 
with relief, that Voivode was not yet out of bed, Mr. Farson did 
not wait to see him or to present his passport to any other official, 
but immediately started out for an outlying village to make dis- 
coveries. Once there, he concentrated all his interest on the 
case of one Tiutku, a radical Ruthenian who had defied the police, 
had. ben punished, and had happened to die of heart failure the 
following day. Being from Berlin, he paid no attention to the 


acts of sabotage and arson committed by the radicals against 
peaceful Polish landowners. The burning of homes and granaries 
and the destruction of public buildings by the rioters did not 
arouse his interest in the least, although these and similar out- 
rages were what had brought about the investigation by the po- 
lice. Mr. Farson did not think even the discovery of large stocks 
of dynamite in the homes of the radical peasants as worthy of 
passing mention, nor the fact that many law-abiding Polish citi- 
zens had been wounded by their guns and sticks. One of the 
victims was an innocent young woman, a secretary in the office 
of the annual Eastern Fair in Lwow, who had been horribly muti- 
lated by machine-gun fire. He made no attempt to find out who 
had stirred up the trouble, or who had financed the riots — for the 
peasants themselves had no money. Had he done so he would 
have discovered that it was foreign influence which had instigated 
and directed the disturbances, and foreign money which had fi- 
nanced them. Mr. Farson seems to have been interested only 
in what the Polish Government had done. He devotes a surpris- 
ing amount of space in THE NATION to the fate of the defiant 
Tiutku. The peasants told him that Tiutku had run away from 
the police and had hidden himself in the woods. When they 
found him he ofifered to aid them in their search for rebel machine 
guns and explosives, and told them that he knew where a machine 
gun was hidden in a certain house in the next village. After 
reaching there the police found that he had deceived them; there 
M^as no gun of any kind there. Asked by an officer why he had 
lied to the police, Tiutku answered, "Because I hate you !" 

Not only does Mr. Farson take the police to task for punish- 
ing Tiutku, but he deplores the fact that they became so interested 
in himself as to ask to see his passport. 

Somehow we cannot share Mr. Parson's apparent opinion that 
he made what the journalists call a "scoop". His discoveries are 
not so startling. Smart Alecks like Tiutku have defied lawful 
authority in every country, and have met with proper punishment. 
Moreover, we doubt if the government of any other country 
would havd done less than require of a snooping foreigner that he 
present a passport. Curiously enough, it was a man from Berlin, 
Dr. Henry Treitschke, the celebrated Prussian historian, who de- 
clared on the first page of his book "PoHtik" that it is the prime 
duty of government to protect the lives and property of its citi- 
zens from destruction. 

"Poland", New York, February, 1931. 


{The editor of "Poland" evidently thinks that for the news to come 
from Berlin means that it bears a prima facie proof of being a lie. In view 
of this opinion, it is strange that there are some newspapers in the world 
who still maintain their correspondents in Berlin. It is still Tnore strange 
that "Poland" has failed to denoimce on that ground a whole series of 
other correspondents, e.g. Miss Dorothy Thompson, tvhen she wrote about 
Warsaw, Pilsudski and Poland, from Berlin. 

The editor of "Poland" further presents us tvith his ideal of a foreign 
correspondent. As this ideal is at once also the ideal of the Polish official- 
dom, it is worth while to examine it closely. Such an ideal journalist 
should not be possessed of any eagerness to go into foreign countries for 
the purposes of investigation. Such going becomes an "invasion" ; that is, 
it is really snooping, and such a foreign correspondent becomes a "foreign 
sno^oper" . Should a foreign correspondent be forced to visit a foreign 
country, he should supply himself tvith all the reliable information from the 
leading official of the district, especially if the case under his inquiry con- 
tains charges aaginst the government. (It is self-evident that the most 
authoritative statement about a crime can come from the party suspected of 
it.) The only way for a foreign correspondent to make a "scoop" under 
such circumstances is to come to the official suspected of an illegal or in- 
humane act. If the official is in bed, or says he is in bed, the correspondent 
should ivait in the anti-chamber until the official gets out of bed. Having 
received the official statement, he hurries to send it through the government 
wire, where it is censored by the government censor. Thus the authorita- 
tiveness of the statement is assured. 

Mr. Negley Parson erred from beginning to the end. He "invaded" 
the Polish territory. He "investigated". He contented himself with pre- 
senting his passport to the police, and did not wait for the governor to get 
up. And what is worse he ventured by himself into outlying districts, where 
dangers lurk for a foreign correspondent, ivhere he got information which 
would not be countersigned by the accused officials and for which he was 
asked to show his passport. In short, Mr. Negley Parson is not a foreign 
correspondent, but a "foreign snooper." 

Among his other crimes there is also that of the interest shown in a 
7nan by the name Tiutko, a mere Ukrainian peasant, a radical, a defiant rebel, 
who was so terrible that ivhen he was whipped to death by the Polish police 
he refused to love them. The editor of "Poland" wants his readers to be- 
lieve that any police in any civilized country would have killed anybody else 
for the crimes of being a Ukrainian, a radical, and for not loving the police 
when being be&ten by them. Perhaps, but then we must differ in the defi- 
nition of ivhat constitutes a civilized country. 

The editor iof "Poland" speaks of riots. Well, not even Polish papers 
could report any riots before, during or after the punitive expeditions. 


That criticism of Mr. Negley Parson by "Poland" for not finding out 
who had stirred up trouble, or who had financed the riots, whence the 
peasants had gotten money, — all this criticism of Mr. Parson after he had 
been told to "present his passpor*t" and shown the door, is a critical treatise 
on journalism of unparalleled beauty. — Ed.^ 




Eleven Ukrainian peasants, most horribly beaten by the Poles, 
are lying here in a primitive little Ukrainian hospital. They are 
only a few of the many victims of what is officially known as "the 
pacification of Eastern Galicia." It is necessary to be quite frank 
in dealing with what is one of the most appalling atrocities of 
modern times. These eleven peasants were so beaten on the bare 
buttocks that the flesh was literally pulped. 

It was with a feeling of horror and sickness, and with apol- 
ogies for the necessity of not shrinking from the last conclusive 
evidence, that I asked the kindly priests who were looking after 
the battered victims to let me see the actual injuries. Thereupon 
bandages and pads of cotton wool were removed and the bluish 
tint of living flesh beaten to pulp three, four, or five weeks ago 
was exposed to my sight. Photographs of the injuries are in my 

It is significant that when the Polish authorities here in Lwow 
heard of the existence of these photographs they searched not 
only the Ukrainian hospital but also the house of every Ukrainian 
doctor. They did not ask who the eleven patients were. The 
Poles denied that there were any beatings. All they wanted was 
to destroy the evidence of these plrKyil)graphs. Indeed, their pre- 
cautions to keep both the Polish public and the world at large in 
ignorance of what has happened hi the Ukraine are prodigious. 


In the villages the peasants are in a state of terror and dare 
not talk. Anyone trying to question them is arrested or detained. 
Whoever tries to find out the truth is shadowed by a gang of 


Polish spies, who lounge round his hotel and follow him about, 
sometimes even in a motor-car. 

Mr. Farson, of the "Chicago Daily News," and myself were 
shadowed by a select little gang whom we soon learned to recog- 
nise. One of them was a woman in gumboots, who spent most 
of her time looking bored in the vestibule of the George Hotel. 
Mr. Farson was detained by the police of the worst Polish atroci- 
ties in the village of Gaje, where some were committed, many 
peasants being beaten and one dying of his injuries. And all the 
time the police will treat the investigator with infinite smooth 
courtesy and assure him, with the blandest urbanity, that there 
were no beatings at all. 

The main facts about the "pacification of the Ukraine" were 
published in the "Manchester Guardian" some weeks ago. These 
facts have now been fully confirmed. The victims I have seen 
myself — namely, the eleven here in hospital — are only a few of 
the very many. Besides these eleven there are about fifty in 
Lwow who have so far recovered that they can walk about. They 
come to the hospital daily to have their bandages changed or a 
new plaster put on. The total of those who were beaten is not 
known. It probably goes into many hundreds. Those who were 
beaten so as to be gravely injured must number many scores, nor 
is it possible to tell how many were killed (the Poles themselves 
admit that there were five, though they say that three of these 
were killed while trying to escape, and that two died because they 
were ill). 


But several have died of the beatings. 

Michael Petrushka, who lived in the village of Nowy Wielkv, 
for example, ran away in terror and was caught and beaten. 
Then he broke away again, but was caught. He died of his injur- 
ies on October 25. 

A peasant named Tiutko, who was beaten at Gaje, died after 
his whole body was black with blows. 

There is great variety in the atrocities that were committed, 
and in the enormous damage that was done, chiefly by the 14th 
Polish Cavalry Regiment, of which some very youthful officers 
recuperated at the George Hotel after the exertions of peasant- 
flogging. But there is one story that can be heard again and 
again from peasants of all the many villages that were "pacified." 


The cavalrymen or "Uhlans" arrive, a dozen, twenty, or even fifty 
are herded together in a barn or in the village hall. Then each 
one is seized in turn by a few soldiers, laid on a table or bench, 
and beaten with heavy sticks until he faints. Then water will be 
poured over him, and he may receive another beating when he 
comes to. Even the older men were not spared — one peasant, 
aged sixty-two, described to me how he was beaten in this way. 
Another and younger man was beaten three times and then thrown 
into a river, 


Sometimes the troops fired on peasants as they fled into the 
woods. Women and children were beaten too. Many of those 
who are still prostrate after beatings that were given weeks ago 
are lying in their own cottages without proper medical attention, 
for Ukrainian doctors are not allowed to visit the villages, which 
are so closely watched by Polish police that no ambulance work 
is possible. Even the inquiry into the number of killed and in- 
jured which the Ukrainians themselves had begun has now become 
impossible, for those who attempt to make inquiries are simply 
arrested, and (if they are Polish subjects) thrown into prison. 

All the beaten peasants I have seen are wholly innocent — 
even the Poles make no accusation against them. Many of the 
beatings were done in districts where there had never been incen- 
diarism. The Ukrainians have in the last few months set fire to 
haystacks and outhouses on the big Polish estates, but there is 
no evidence that any of the men, women, and children who were 
beaten had anything to do with any of these acts of incendiarism. 
The Poles have made hundreds of arrests, and it may be that 
amongst those arrested some will be found to have been guilty 
of incendiarism, but between the incendiarism and the beatings 
there is no real relationship and certainly no proportion. 

I may add that in some of the villages where the peasants 
were beaten they were told that if they did not vote for Marshal 
Pilsudski on Sunday there would be a second "pacification." 

{"The Manchester Guardian", Nov. 17, 1930). 




Michael Tiutko 

A report reaches us from Hayi that on Saturday, October 
18, there died in that village an 18 year old lad, Michael Tiutko, 
Gregory's son, whom the military punitive expedition of the 14th 
Uhlans regiment, stationed at Lviv, had taken from the field and 
flogged him on the 15th and the 16th, first in the village of Chy- 
zhykiv, and then again in the village of Hayi. 

The funeral of the late Tiutko will be held in Hayi on Mon- 
day, October 20, in the afternoon. 

("Dilo", Lviv, October 23, 1930.) 


Michael Petrushka, an active member of the reading-room of 
the "Prosvita" (Enlightenment), co-owner of a restaurant, in 
Mosty Velyki, 28 years of age, died on Friday, October 24, 1930, 
as a result of flogging. 

The funeral was held on October 26, 1930, in Mosty Velyki, 
and was attended by an unusually large number of people. 

May the earth cover him lightly as a feather! 

"Dilo," the Ukrainian daily, Lviv (Lemberg), Thursday, Oc- 
tober 30, 1930. 



Extracts from minutes dated December 23, 1930. The Dis- 
trict Court, department VI. (Criminal) Court at Lviv, in the 
matter of suppression of the No. 282, of the periodical "Dilo," 


dated Lviv, December 19, 1930, Do Syg. VI. No. Pr. 435/30, at a 
secret session of December 3, 1930, after hearing the opinion of 
the pubUc prosecutor of the District Court of Lviv, has made the 
decision: to confirm as justified the suppression of the periodical 
"Dilo," No. 282, of December 19, 1930, as ordered by the Prosecu- 
tor of the District Court of Lviv on December 18, 1930, because 
this issue contained in the article entitled "INTERPELLATION" 
on page 4, column 3, both in the title and in the article the cri- 
teria of the crime of Art. 65a. of the Penal Code; to order the de- 
struction of the entire print of that issue and to enjoin further 
dissemination of that printed matter, according to the Art. 493,. 
of the Criminal Procedure. At the same time the editor of this, 
publication is ordered to publish this decision in the next issue, on 
the first page, without pay. Failure to fulfill this order w^ill bring 
the consequences set forth in Art. 21, of the Law on Printed Mat- 
ter, dated December 17, 1862, No. 6, ex. 1862, which consists of 
a fine up to 400 zlotys. On the other hand the court decided to 
rescind the suppression by the Public Prosecutor of the District 
Court of Lviv, on December 18, 1930, of the article "OBITU- 
ARIES" from the words "As a result" to the words "completely," 
published in "Dilo," No. 282, Lviv, December 19, 1930. The moti- 
vation : Ad I. The publication in print of the above mentioned 
article has for its purpose arousing of contempt and hatred to- 
wards the administration of the state, which constitutes a crime 
against Art. 65A. of the Penal Code. The order is justified ac- 
cording to Art. 487, 489, 493, of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 
as well as according to Art. 36 and 37 of the Press Statute. Ad 
11. Because in the contents of the article quoted there are no 
elements of any crime the suppression of the issue was to be re- 
scinded. The original is attested with proper signatures, witnessed 
by Lipanowicz, senior clerk. 

{The above is the suppression order passed by the court in Lviv, against 
an issue of the Ukrainian daily "Dilo" . The order confirms a suppression 
of one article, and releases another. The editor publishes the order on the 
first page, in Polish, the original language. 

Taking advantage of the order, the editor reprints on page 5, the news 
item, the suppression of ivhich was rescinded.') 



EDITOR'S REMARK: On the first page of today's issue 
of the "Dilo" the readers will find the notice of the District 
Court of Lviv revoking the suppression of the obituary published 
below. We publish it again in full, and the passage which was 
suppressed we reprint in black type. 

MICHAEL KITSERA, peasant of Kotsuriv, district of Bibrka, 
died in Lviv, on December 14, 1930, as a result of the well-known 
events. The funeral was held on Tuesday, December 16, 1930, 
from the mortuary chapel, at Pekarshka Street, to Yaniv Cem- 

The deceased, a 30 year old farmer, was one of the most en- 
lightened workers in the district of Bibrka. A typical intelligent 
peasant (he had completed four classes of "gymnasium") — he 
possessed a burning desire for knowledge and tried to pass on 
to others the knowledge acquired by himself. He was the presi- 
dent of the reading-room of "Prosvita" in Kotsuriv and was an 
active worker in all enlightenment-cultural and economic societies 
of his native village. 

a painful operation performed at the Sanatorium "Vit," Lviv, Lys- 
topad Street, was of no avail. 

The funeral of the late Michael Kitsera was attended by a 
score of inhabitants of his native village and a handful of intelli- 
gentsia from Lviv. In the procession were carried four wreaths 
from the societies of Kotsuriv. The eulogy was pronounced, in 
the name of the enlightenment's workers by Mr. Petryk, amidst 
weeping of those present at the funeral. 

(DILO, Lviv, January 13, 1931.) 

(The court order is typical of its kind. Almost all issues of every 
Ukrainian newspaper are adorned with such orders. The issue of "Dilo" 
here quoted displays two such orders, which occupy about one fourth of 
the entire front page. 

The sentence from the obituary which was deemed by the Public Prose- 
cutor a sufficient basis for the suppression of the entire issue is printed in 
heavy type. The reader may see for himself what flimsy pretexts are used 
by the Polish offices of law and order to suppress Ukrainian newspapers. 

The small number of mourners at the funeral of the victim of PolisB 
atrocities was due to the secrecy enforced by means of such suppression of 
Ukrainian notices. Polish papers hushed up the matter completely. — Ed.) 



On December 14, 1930, there died in Lviv, Michael Kitsera, 
farmer of Kotsuriv, district of Bibrka, as a result of the well- 
known events. A painful operation, performed at one of the sana- 
toriums at Lviv, proved of no avail to save his life. 

He was a fine type of intelligent peasantry (he had completed 
four classes of "gymnasium") and was one of the most enlight- 
ened workers in the district of Bibrka. He was chairman of the 
Reading Circle of "Provita" (Enlightenment) in Kotsuriv and 
worked also in other societies of his village. 

"Zhinocha Dola," Lviv, January 4, 1931. 


NICHOLAS STRONSKY, member of the "Luh," in Humenka, 
district of Shchyrets, died in the 22nd year of his life, as a result of 
beatings administered on December 30, 1930. 

The funeral was held on December 31, and was attended by 
a tren^endous mass of people and the members of the "Luh." 
The band of the "Luh" of the village of Ostriv played funeral 

["Dilo," Lviv, January 22, 1931.) 


MICHAEL DMYTRUKH, 45 years old peasant of the village 
of Dobriany, district of Horodok, died as a result of flogging 
received during the pacification at the end of December 1930. 

("Dilo/' Lviv, January 22, 1931.) 




JERSEY CITY, N. J., March 5, 1931. — The Postmaster of 
Lviv, Eastern Galicia, in a letter dated February 19, 1931, notified 
the postmaster of Jersey City, New Jersey, that a registered package 
of newspapers, marked No. 62936 and sent by the "Svoboda," the 
Ukrainian Daily of 83 Grand Street, Jersey City, on January 24, 
1931, to, "Dilo," Lviv, Rynok 10, has been confiscated by the 
Polish police at Lviv. 

{This is another surprise of Polish censorship, of lohich the 
Ukrainian newspapers under Poland have much to say. 

As the censor will always have an opportunity to suppress 
the "Dilo" for reprinting from the "Svoboda" anything cont' 
rary to the Polish law the Polish authorities cannot justly claim 
that they are stopping anti-state propaganda. This is simply 
an effort on the part of the Polish government to deprive the 
Ukrainian press under Poland of those facilities of information 
that stand at the disposal of the Ukrainian press in the countries 
where the freedom of press is not merely an empty provision of 
the constitution, ivithout any real significance, as is the case in 
the so-ccdled Polish Republic, but a reality. — Ed.). 

{Svoboda, {Libemj), Jersey City, N. J., March 12, 1931). 




On November 6, of this year, there was held before the dis- 
trict criminal court of Lviv a public trial of the publication of the 
"Hromadsky Holos". The trial was ordered as a result of the 
appeal of the publishers of the "Hromadsky Holos" against the 
suppression of the issues No. 39, and No. 40, of the "Hromadsky 
Holos", of this year. The suppressed articles bore the titles, 


"Pacification", "Pictures of Pacification", "Communique" (of the 
three Ukrainian parties on the pacification detachments), "As it 
used to be long ago", and "The Electoral Appeal to the Ukrainian 

Mr. M. Stakhiv, representing the cooperative publishing asso- 
ciation "Hromada", adduced in his appeal evidence to prove that 
the confiscation of the issue No. 39, was based on no legal foun- 

(Here follows the blank space of 44 lines, which gave the motivation 
of the publishers. — Ed.) 

The public prosecutor opposed the motion of the appellants 
offering to prove truth of their allegations since this is of no im- 
portance. Besides this the prosecutor declared that the reports 
(of the pacification) have been published with the purpose of 
damaging the Polish State abroad. 

The court overruled the motion of the publishers offering to 
prove truth on the ground that the proof of truth is for the mat- 
ter itself without significance ("non-essential"). 

("Hromadsky Holos", Ukrainian weekly, Lviv, No. 45, Novem- 
ber 15, 1930.) 

XXIV. _. 




PAT. (The Polish Telegraphic Agency informs: 
On October 25, the English counsul Severy and the editor of 
the "Times" Berker, accompanied by the voyvoda of Stanislaviv, 
visited Yaremche and Tatariv. They called special attention to 
economic conditions and admired the beauty of the region. After 
their return they visited the voyvoda, and then bishop Latyshevsky. 
On October 26, they will start for voyvodship of Tarnopol. 

{"Dilo;' Lviv, October 28, 1930) 

{Though very short, the report of the PAT was most signif- 
icant. It was evidently given out in reply to the attacks of the 


P'plish press against the Polish officialdom charging them with 
doing nothing to counteract what was called Ukrainian and Ger- 
man propaganda. The report had for its purpose to show to the 
Polish public that the Polish government is not so inactive as the 
opposition papers represent it to be, and to allay the anxieties of 
the Polish public growing uneasy under continual reports of 
foreign investigations. The purport of the above report calms 
the Polish public by assuring them that the investigators have 
a good time and that they visit the Ukrainians not otherwise than 
under official supervision. Thus the public was assured that 
the Polish interests are well taken care of. — Ed.) 



{From our Warsaw Correspondent) . 

To revisit Eastern Galicia at the present time is to have a sharp 
and unpleasant reminder of one of the few latent wars that continue 
to be waged by a wholly submerged nationality. The conflict is 
between the Poles, who are sovereign, and the Ukrainians or Ruth- 
enes, who are subject. 

There is no clear line of demarcation between the two races 
because their settlements overlap and are intermixed. Under these 
conditions the best criterion for estimating their numbers is the 
difference of religious observance, which, more than any other 
factor, has enabled the Ukrainian national movement in Eastern 
Galicia to mature. Both races are Roman Catholic in the widest sense 
of the term, but, whereas the Poles belong to the Latin Rite and 
follow the usages and traditions of the Western Church, the 
Ukrainians of Eastern Galicia possess a Uniat Church of their own 
which uses the Eastern Rite and the Old Slavonic Liturgy. The 
three East Galician Provinces of Lwow (Lemberg), Stanislawow, 
and Tarnopol contain nearly 3,500,000 Uniats, about 2,000,000 Lat- 
ins, and about 500,000 Jews. It is fair to say that to every four 
Poles there are six or seven Ukrainians. The East Galician Ukrai- 
nians belong to the same race as the Ukrainians of Orthodox faith 
who inhabit Polish Volhynia and the Soviet Republic of the 


Ukraine; but, as they were cut off from the Ukrainians of Russia 
while GaHcia was under Austrian rule, their language, culture, and 
general outlook are on a different level. 

A Ukrainophil movement, aiming at the exaltation of a peasant 
dialect into a literary Ukrainian tongue, was started in the Russian 
University of Kharkoff about the middle of last century. It was 
not, however, till 30 or 40 years later that it became a serious 
political factor in Eastern Galicia. By that time a number of edu- 
cated people had emerged from the peasant mass, and in 1891 a 
group of Ukrainian Deputies appeared for the first time in the iVus- 
trian Reichsrath. The new middle class was recruited almost ex- 
clusively from the sons of the Uniat priests, who were permitted 
to marry in accordance with the tenets of Eastern Christendom. 

THE WAR OF 1918 

As the movement grew steadily in numbers and influence, the 
Governments of the three Empires and the various national organ- 
izations of the Poles took an increasingly active interest in its 
possibilities. The Poles, who always regarded it as a danger to 
themselves, worked in Austria and in Russia to obstruct it. Rus- 
sians and Poles gave their support to a smaller Russophil party, 
known as the Old Ruthenes, and the Russian Government developed 
a vigorous propaganda in Eastern Galicia to counteract the new 
Ukrainian nationalism. Germany and Austria, on the other hand, 
made use of the Ukrainians as a weapon against Russia and the 
Poles. They were thus in sympathy with an ecclesiastical ambition 
to endow the Uniat Church with a national status and extend it into 
Russia as an instrument for the conversion of the Orthodox. 

After the collapse of Austria-Hungary in 1918 the Ukrainians 
of Eastern Galicia proclaimed a West Ukrainian Republic and 
fought a war against the Poles, which they lost. A year later the 
Poles, in alliance with the Ukrainian Ataman Petlura, with whom 
they had come to terms, made their ill-fated march on Kieff, the 
failure of which did not prevent them from establishing their 
frontier once again on the River Zbrucz, the former eastern bound- 
ary of Austria, when they concluded a peace treaty with the Bol- 
shevists. The Allied Powers had conceived a plan of giving Poland 
a mandate over Eastern GaHcia for 25 years, but eventually they 
recognized the whole of the Polish eastern frontier in the consid- 
eration that it was acknowledged by Poland, so far as concerned 
Eastern Galicia, that ethnographical conditions required a system 
of autonomy. 



The reason why autonomy has not been granted is a simple 
one. The relations of the two peoples have continued so strained 
that there has not been the slightest ground for expecting that 
autonomous institutions would be made to work, or would do any- 
thing but widen the area of friction. While the difficulties of get- 
ting the Galician Poles to treat the Ukrainians as equals are admit- 
tedly great, the policy and behaviour of the Ukrainians during the 
last decade have rendered conciliatory intervention by the Central 
Government futile. Any Government inspired by Marshal Pilsud- 
ski — whose belief in the benefits of a Polish-Ukranian alliance has 
been proved up to the hilt — would not hesitate to overrule the 
Polish Nationalists if the Ukrainians showed the will to cooperate. 
That is being done in Volhynia. 


The attitude of all but an insignificant minority of the Ukrain- 
ian parties and organizations has been one of declared hostility to 
the Polish State, and the politicians have been avowed secessionists, 
not home-rulers. I cannot do better than quote the following ex- 
tract from a conversation with one of the most representative of 
Ukrainian leaders : "We are fundamentally disloyal. We do not 
want peace. If our people are alowed to enter into friendly coop- 
eration with the Poles they may cease to cherish the dream of an 
independent Ukraine, which we hope to realize in 30 or 40 years' 
time. Whatever is done for us, we must always be discontented." 

The effects of this doctrine on the everyday life of the two 
communities can safely be left to the imagination. What is impor- 
tant is that the forces of intimidation at the command of the ex- 
tremists have prevented many moderate home-rulers from making 
their peace with the Poles, whom they recognize to be as indigen- 
ous to Eastern Galicia as they are. While this state of affairs lasts 
a Polish Government can no more introduce an autonomous regime 
than a British Government could persuade LUster to unite with a 
Southern Ireland in which there was a Republican majority. The 
East Galician Poles, like their northern compatriots of Vilna, are 
animated by a spirit which is comparable to that of Ulster. 

The intimidation of moderates is exercised, at bottom, by the 
U.O.W. (Ukrainian Military Organization), a secret and illegal 
asociation which aims at being a sort of CADRE. Its recruits are 
found among lads in the upper classes of the LTkrainian secondary 
schools, university students, and peasants of the younger genera- 


tion, but it is controlled by hardened conspirators. Volunteer fire 
brigades, athletic clubs, and even an organization modelled on the 
Boy Scouts have been used locally to screen allegiance to the 
U.O.W. The commander-in-chief is M. Konovalets, a Galician 
schoolmaster's son, who is now living at Geneva after a long resi- 
dence in Berlin, whence the funds and munitions of the organiza- 
tion are largely derived. 

The interest of German military circles in Ukrainian national- 
ism is nothing new; it was well established before 1914. 

The U.O.W., which has always counted terrorist action among 
the weapons in its armoury, embarked for the first time last sum- 
mer on an intensive campaign, immediately distinguishable from 
the sporadic outrages of former years. There are three possible 
explanations of this sudden offensive, none of which excludes the 
others. It may have been that a more conciliatory temper was 
becoming faintly discernible, which it was thought necessary to 
nip in the bud. It may also have been that the German friends of 
the organization wished to cause a diversion in Eastern Galicia ; or 
that a newly-appointed "commander in the field" was over-anxious 
to prove his worth. 

The campaign, which radiated from well-defined centres where 
there were Ukrainian secondary schools, consisted in the burning 
of barns, cornstacks and cottages belonging to Polish landlords and 
peasants, and is believed to have been executed for the most part 
by senior schoolboys, who were allotted objects to set on fire at 
some distance from their homes and accomplished their mission on 
bicycles after nightfall. 

Subsidiary attention was given to the cutting of telegraph and 
telephone wires, and a successful raid was made on a mail--van 
carrying a large sum in bank notes, in the defence of which a Polish 
constable lost his life. Communist agents, often appearing in the 
guise of Nationalists, joined independently in the work. There 
were nights when parts of the worst-stricken district, Rohatyn, 
were lighted by the glare in the sky; demoralized and disaffected 
villages refused obedience to the police; and it became clear that 
there was an imminent danger of spontaneous reprisals which 
might have been followed by an outbreak of anarchy. Early in 
September 57 Polish cottages were destroyed by a single fire at 
Kozowa, together with the entire crops of their owners. 

The Polish Government then decided on extraordinary meas- 
ures, as any other Government in a similar emergency must have 



One method would have been to introduce martial law and 
military justice, with summary infliction of the death penalty for 
certain offences. Another would have ben to put some thousands 
of disaffected persons in gaol or concentration camps. Both would 
have been open to serious objections, and I would not suggest that 
either was considered. The method chosen was to send a few 
squadrons of an East Galician cavalry regiment and 1,000 police, 
who were specially drafted in, on pacificatory tours of the most 
disturbed regions. 

These expeditions conducted their operations in a narrow belt 
of country, running from the district of Grodek Jagiellonski, a few 
miles to the west of Lwow, through Bobrka, south of the same 
city, Rohatyn, Brzezany and Podhajce, to the district of Tarnopol. 
In other words, the operations were local, affecting only those 
districts in which the campaign of terrorism had been most intense 
and disaffection most rife in the villages. The places in which the 
troops and police established themselves, for periods varying from 
a few hours to five days, were deliberately chosen by the authori- 
ties, and lists of persons notoriously disaffected were furnished to 
the officers commanding. 

The main accusations against the expeditions are that they 
inflicted brutal and promiscuous floggings, and that, on the pretext 
of searching for hidden arms, ammunition, and terrorist literature, 
they did reckless damage to house property, and particularly to the 
premises of cooperatives and cultural institutions. There can be 
no doubt that they felt themselves entitled to inflict corporal pun- 
ishment on the persons who had been marked out for attention and 
on any others who offered them resistance. There can also be no 
doubt that in certain villages, sometimes under provocation and 
sometimes not, they committed most culpable excesses. But, hav- 
ing obtained entirely independent information about the procedure 
of th expeditions in some places where excesss were not commit- 
ted, and having compared the number of places in which the Ukrai- 
nians truthfully or untruthfully allege excesses with my estimate 
of the total number of places visited, I am bound to conclude that 
even if all the Ukrainian allegations of pulped flesh were to be 
substantiated — as some undoubtedly have been — the number of 
visitations accompanied by gross cruelty would still be a small pro- 
portion of the whole. A sufficient number of oiled rifles and ma- 
chine-guns were discovered, some in the houses of parish priests, 
to justify the search of every suspected hiding-place, even if par- 


tial demolition of a thatch or a chimney was involved. I am 
satisfied that wanton destruction of institutional buildings was not 
within the Government's intentions, and that in the relatively few 
places where anything of the sort occurred it was the work of 
unauthorized individuals. 


It must be made plain that the object of the recent repressions, 
whatever their faults, was not the destruction of Ukrainian culture. 
Having spent a fortnight in motoring through Eastern Galicia on 
routes selected by myself, I can only report that in practically every 
town and most of the larger villages I noticed a branch of the 
Ukrainian cultural society or a Ukrainian cooperative without go- 
ing out of my way to find it. 

The cooperatives appeared to be doing a vigorous trade, and 
the signboards over many of them were painted in the Ukrainian 
national colours of blue and yellow. I also noticed that the num- 
ber of signs in the Ukrainian alphabet on private houses and shops 
was much greater than when I made my last visit. 

Economically, the Ukrainians have been free to consolidate 
themselves very rapidly, and more at the expense of the Poles than 
the Jews. If they have not got more schools and institutions, it is 
primarily because they have let so many become hives of sedition. 
It is difficult to understand the inert tolerance of the Polish admin- 
istration which permitted the Ukrainian gymnasium towns like 
Rohatyn and Tarnopol to develop into the centres of a terrorist 
campaign. Ukrainians hold a fair proportion of judicial posts, in 
some districts over 40 per cent., but not all the judges and prose- 
cutors have proved dependable. Intimidation or the threat of 
boycott by their own countrymen has prevented Ukrainians from 
entering the administrative services in any number. 

The first condition of any lasting improvement in the relations 
of the two communities is that order should be guaranteed by a 
stronger administration and police force. One of the main sources 
of weakness has ben the survival of officials trained in the Austrian 
school, who have found themselves unable to cope with altered 
conditions. Men of the type that has been producing good results 
in the eastern marches from Vilna to Volhynia are now being 
appointed to responsible posts in Eastern Galicia, where their 
broader vision is sorely needed. The difference between the two 
types of administrator is this : Those of the older Austrian school 
resign themselves to the prospect of perpetual strife ; they have 


not the mental equipment to combat the Ukrainian refusal to coop- 
erate with constructive ideas, and their inheritance of Austrian 
methods of LAISSER ALLER, combined with the fact that they 
are out of contact with the central g-overnment, makes them weak 
and hesitant when they are called upon to perform the elementary 
task of suppressing lawlessness and crime. These men are steadily 
being pensioned off. 

The administrators of the new type understand that their first 
duty is to keep order and that inertia only makes a bad situation 
worse. But, instead of despairing of ever inducing the Ukrainians 
to become useful and loyal citizens, they set out to fight the boycott 
by protecting Ukrainians who might be willing to cooperate with 
them from the intimidation of their fellow-countrymen, by showing 
themselves just, benevolent, and constructive administrators in 
their personal intercourse with such people, and by improving the 
economic condition of the peasantry. These methods have had 
some success in the mountainou districts of the South, where 
political agitation has always been weaker. It is too early to say 
whether they are ever likely to succeed in Eastern Galicia as a 
whole, an over-populated agricultural country, in which both over- 
population and the poverty attendant on it have been much in- 
creased since the War by restriction of emigration overseas. The 
field for constructive work will certainly be widened by the ex- 
pected passage in the new Seym of a law to introduce in the former 
Austrian provinces the more representative forms of district and 
communal self-government which have proved a very helpful asset 
in the eastern marches. To sum up, new men and new methods 
are being given trial. 


If terrorism and conspiracy, which are at the root of all ills, 
cannot be eliminated or at least controlled in any other way, it 
may be found desirable to recognize frankly that Eastern Galicia 
is in an unhealthy state and furnish it with a GENDARMERIE 
somewhat on the lines of the frontier guard. When law and order 
have been established it may be possible to induce the two races 
gradually to cooperate by the methods indicated, which means 
starting from the bottom of the scale in the lowest units of 
administration and self-government. 

At the same time it is necessary to face the fact that most 
Ukrainians regard the Poles as foreigners in their midst and them- 
selves as forced to live in a foreign State against their will. Wheth- 
er in the long run they will be content to reserve for a more 


distant future their ambitions of joining the Great Ukraine or form- 
ing a buffer State between Poland and Rumania, conceived as the 
Piedmont of the Ukrainian race, and accept temporary allegiance 
to the Polish State, depends to a large extent on the play of ex- 
ternal factors. Those ambitions can only be reahzed in the nearer 
future by war, and if the Ukrainians ever became conceived that 
Europe as a whole was not heading for war but for peace they 
might moderate their hostility towards Poland. At present there 
are no signs of such a change. 

The obvious requirement is that there should be full inquiry 
into the allegations against soldiers and police and punishment of 
those who are found guilty. I understand that this is being done. 
It is also hoped that in time members of the Government's party 
will be able to discuss the situation with some of the Ukrainian 

It would be unfair not to add that I believe there to be a firm 
determination in Warsaw and Lwow to make the recent restric- 
tions the end, not the beginning, of a chapter. 

{The Times, London, December 12, and December 18, 1930). 


{The Polish daily "Kurjer Poranny" of Warsaw publishes a corre- 
spondence of its London correspondent about the i-eport of the London 
Times on East Galician situation. Says the "Kurjer Poranny": "The Times, 
known in the ivhole world for sobriety and veracity of its opinions, has pub- 
lished lately a result of a questionnaire luhich its correspondent has sent 
out 071 the situation in Eastern Galicia, tvhere, as it is well known, the 
Polish government was obliged lately to use severe methods of reprisals 
against the leaders of the Ukrainian sobotagist movement." This is fol- 
lowed by a translation of the "Kurjer Poranny's" abridgment of the con- 
tents of the London Times report.) 

In the above presentation, as we can see, naivete vies with 
ignorance. The "Kurjer Poranny's" report quotes, for instance, 
as an undeniable authority the result of the questionnaire of the 
Warsaw correspondent of the Times. In the meantime, however, 
we know nothing whatsoever about any questionnaire supposed 
to have been sent out by the Times correspondent. We know only 


that Mr. Barker, the Warsaw correspondent of the Times, toured 
in Eastern Galicia accompanied by the general consul of Great 
Britain, Mr. Severy, and that therefore his tour bore an official 
and not a journalistic-informatory character. Tffat was the rea- 
son why Mr. Barker did not elicit any desire to meet the represen- 
tatives of the Ukrainian press or of the Ukrainian economic or 
cultural institutions, limiting himself to semi-official visits (e. g., 
to church dignitaries). He also showed no desire to receive docu- 
mentary materials in the matter which is alleged to have been 
the subject of his questionnaire. Who answered his questionnaire, 
what were concretely its questions, and what were the replies ? 

Great is the newspaper, but oh ! for its correspondent ! 

("Dilo", Lviv, January 4, 1931.) 

{It still has not been ascertained whether the London Times corre- 
spondent really had sent out a questionnaire as the Polish daily "Kurjer 
Poranny" states, or had not sent it, as the Ukrainian daily "Dilo" says. 

If such a questionnaire has not been sent, then we may understand the 
bitterness of the "Dilo" at the action of the "Kurjer Poranny" in making 
it appear as if it had been sent and in making it appear as if the reports of 
a correspondent were something more than an inquiry of an individual. 

If such a questionnaire has really been sent by the correspondent of 
the Tunes, tve have, in order to understand the "Dilo' s" irritation, to take 
into account the conditions under which the Ukrainian neivspapers work and 
under which the report had been made. 

The report of a foreign correspondent has for the Ukrainians a much 
greater value and importance than for the people who have a free press 
and other facts-getting agencies. With the Ukrainian press muzzled by the 
Polish censorship; with the Polish press either muzzled, or writing irre- 
sponsibly whatever they think is in the interest of the Polish Government; 
with the Polish administration interested in concealment of the actual con- 
ditions; with the Polish courts twisting every paragraph to prevent investi- 
gation of the conditions and facts; with the Polish dictator's majority in 
the Seym riding rough-shod over every motion for inquiry mad'c by the 
racial minorities groups; with every obstacle being put by the power of the 
Polish state in the way of such an inquiry by international agencies; in such 
a state of affairs the appearance on the scene of tragedy of a foreign corre- 
spondent is only short of the arrival of a God-sent messenger. Only these 
conditions can explain why a Ukrainian peasant dares a horrible beating, 
at least, to tell Mr. Parson of the visit of the punitive expedition to his 
native village. Only these conditions can explain the expectations of fair- 
ness, non-partizanship, courage from a newspaper correspondent of a great 
English daily, by the Ukrainian editor. He has read so much about the 
Anglo-Saxon fair-play perhaps, instilled in sport and adventure, that he was 


sure that the English correspondent either will pass no unfair judgment, or 
at least will listen to both sides and present both sides. His disappointment 
at seeing the correspondent of one of the greatest newspapers of the world 
unwilling to hear the Ukrainian side, and then seeing the report not in the 
form of a description of his own experiences, but in the form of a final 
judgment, must have been profound, though indeed merely commensurate 
to his perhaps naively great expectations. — £J.) 


The Ukrainian national movement does not limit itself to the 
"exaltation of a peasant dialect into a literary tongue", but, like 
any other national movement, embraces the sum of the possibili- 
ties, material and cultural, of the particular race. No university 
can justly claim to have started it. Its culmination v^as the strug- 
gle for the establishment of the independent Ukrainian state, a 
struggle undertaken again and again in spite of all reverses. 

Even the tendency to refine the Ukrainian vernacular into a 
literary idiom is older than the middle of the last century : More 
than tvv^o generations prior to that, the Ukrainian literature has 
produced the first successful literary uses of exclusively Ukrainian 
idiom (Ivan Kotlarevsky's "Aeneis Turned Inside Out", 1798). 

Politically, too, the modern Ukrainian national movement is 
much older than suggested by the correspondent. The Ukrainian 
middle class grev^ not only out of the clergy, but also out of the 
peasantry and tow^nspeople. Ukrainian deputies appeared for the 
first time in Austria not in 1891, but long before, indeed, at the 
very outset of the constitutional era in Austria, i.e. in 1848. 

Like any other national movement, the Ukrainian national 
movement at once evoked friendship in some quarters, animosity 
in others. The neighbors, of course, were the first to react to its 
implications. The races, w^hich dominated the Ukrainians, saw in 
the movement the menace to their dominion. While some mem- 
bers of the dominant races (Poles, Russians, Magyars) tried to lull 
the Ukrainians back into the racial sleep by sentimental interest in 


the romantic side of the racial resurrection*, the majority resorted 
at once to stern measures to stop its growth and development. 
The Austrian empire was interested in it as about one tenth of 
the Ukrainian people lived under the Austrian dominion. Austrian 
rulers were interested in it in the same way as were the Russians 
and Poles. Though Austria could use the Ukrainian animosity 
towards the Poles for the purpose of fighting the Poles, yet the 
Austrian emperors and nobility preferred to make peace with the 
Poles and to deliver them the Ukrainians, thus assuring them- 
selves of the Polish uncompromising support, Germany was the 
slowest to become interested in the Ukrainian movement. Ger- 
many and Austria entered already openly upon the road of oppo- 
sition to Russia, and yet the Germans refused to recognize the 
Ukrainian movement. Even during the world war, grappling in 
a death struggle against Russia, the Germans of Austria limited 
the Ukrainian legions fighting against Russia to two thousand 
men, while they limited the Polish legions to ten thousands, and 
then abolished all the limitations altogether. Tens of thousands 
of Ukrainians, racially conscious and anti-Russian in spirit, were 
packed into the prisons of Tahlerhof under the charges of espion- 
age trumped up by the union of Germans, Poles, and Magyars. 

If Austria was in sympathy with ambitions of the Ukrainian 
Uniat Church to convert the Ukrainians of the Orthodox church, 
she certainly did nothing patent to prove it; on the other hand, 
Poland, through her concordat with Rome, in 1924, effectively 
stopped that ambition of the Ukrainian Uniat Church by monopol- 
izing the proselyting work among Orthodox Ukrainians for the 
"Latin" (Polish) Roman Catholic Church. 


The correspondent slights over the occupation of Eastern 
Galicia by Poland. It must be emphasized that the occupation 
was a military one, done by the force of arms. The Ukrainians, 
who constitute the overwhelming majority of the population of 
Eastern Galicia, opposed it with all their might. If it was not 

* A relic of those efforts is that of dubbing the Ukrainian national move- 
ment by the name of "Ukrainophilism", and the race-conscious Ukrainians as 
"Ukrainophils". The term might be properly used when applied to a non- 
Ukrainian sympathizing with the national aspirations of the Ukrainians. To 
apply it to a Ukrainian is a misnomer, equal to calling a Pole a "Polonophil", 
a Russian a "Russophil", an Englishman an "Anglophil", or an American an 


for the attack of Russia in the East, and the arrival of the PoHsh 
legions equipped by France, the Ukrainians would have been suc- 

In a similar manner the correspondent slights over the v^^hole 
question of autonomy, though the question is very pertinent to 
the entire Ukrainian problem under Poland. 

On September 26, 1922, the Polish parliament at Warsaw en- 
acted the law about the autonomy for Eastern Galicia. 

On March 14, 1923, the Conference of the Ambassadors of the 
Allied and Associated Powers, at Paris, acting as successors of 
the Supreme Council, stated in their decision: 

"The British Empire, France, Italy and Japan, signatories, together with 
the United States of America as Principal Allied and Associated Powers, to 
the Treaty of Versailles : 

"Whereas, according to the terms of Art. Zl, part. 3, of the above Treaty, 
they shall establish the frontiers of Poland, not specified in that Treaty. 

"Whereas, the Polish Government, on February 15, 1923, addressed an 
appeal to the Conference of Ambassadors, that the Powers represented on this 
body make use of the right conferred on them by the above Article. . . . 

"Whereas, according to Art. 91 of the Peace Treaty of Saint Germain-en- 
Laye, Austria renounces in favor of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, 
all rights and titles over the territories which previously belonged to the former 
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and which being situated outside the new frontiers 
of Austria, as described in Art. 27 of the above Treaty, are not subject to any 
other provision. 



"Consequently the Conference of Ambassadors : 

"1. Decides to recognize the frontiers of Poland as follows : 

(a) with Russia, the line traced and decided by agreement between the 
two States, and on their responsibility on November 23rd, 1922;** 

(b) Decides to recognize, and Poland accepts, all rights of sovereignty 
over the territories between the above defined frontiers and the other frontiers 
of Polish territory; under reserve of the provisions of the Peace Treaty of 
Saint Germain-en-Laye concerning duties and obligations incurred by states 
through the transfer to them of territories of the former Austro-Hungarian 

* Italics are mine. — Ed. 

**The treaty here quoted is the Treaty of Riga, concluded between the 
Polish government, on one hand, and the Russian Bolshevist government, on 
the other, on October 12th, 1920. 

ANTONIA HATVANY. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1924. 


The Treaty of June 28, 1919, quoted in the preamble of this 
sailles, June 28, 1919. That treaty guaranteed the citizens of 
Poland certain rights, the enumeration of which is pertinent to 
the problem under discussion. Article 2, of that treaty states : 

''Poland undertakes to assure full and complete protection of life and 
liberty to all inhabitants of Poland without distinction of birth, nationality, 
language, race or religion. 

"All inhabitants of Poland shall be entitled to the free exercise, whether 
public or private, of any creed, religion or belief, whose practices are not incon- 
sistent with public order or public morals." 

Article 7, of that Treaty guaranteed the freedom of race, 
language, and religion: 

"All Polish nationals shall be equal before the law and shall enjoy the same 
civil and political rights without distinction as to race, language or religion. 

"Dififerences or religion, creed or confession shall not prejudice any Polish 
national in matters relating to the enjoyment of civil or political rights, as for 
instance admission to public employments, functions or honors, or the exercise 
of professions and industries. 

"No restriction shall be imposed on the free use by any Polish national of 
any language in private intercourse, in commerce, in religion, in the press or 
in publications or any kind, or at public meetings. 

"Notwithstanding any establishment by the Polish Government of an official 
language, adequate facilities shall be given to Polish nationals of non-Polish 
speech for the use of their language, either orally or in writing, before the 

Article 8, of the Versailles Treaty guarantees the equality of 
Poland's citizens of non-Polish races with the citizens of Polish 
race : 

"Polish nationals who belong to racial, religious or linguistic minorities 
shall enjoy the same treatment and security in law in fact as the other Polish 
nationals. In particular they shall have an equal right to establish, manage, 
and control at their own expense charitable, religious and social insrtitutions, 
schools and other educational establishments, with the right to use their own 
language and to exercise their religion freely therein." 

Article 9, of the Treaty speaks of the schools for racial minor- 
ities : 

"Poland will provide in the public educational system in towns and districts 
in which a considerable portion of Polish nationals of other than Polish speech 
are residents adequate facilities for ensuring that in the primary schools the 
instruction shall be given to the children of such Polish nationals through the 
medium of their own language. This provision shall not prevent the Polish 
government from making the teaching of the Polish language obligatory in the 
said schools." 


"In towns and districts where there is a considerable proportion of Polish 
nationals belonging to racial, religious or linguistic minorities, these minorities 
shall be assured an equitable share in the enjoyment and application of the 
sums which may be provided out of public funds under the state, municipal or 
other budget, for educational, religious or charitable purposes." 

Article 12, of the Treaty gives an international sanction to 
those guarantees, by proclaiming that: 

"Poland agrees that the stipulations in the foregoing Articles, so far as 
they aflfect persons belonging to racial, religious or linguistic minorities, consti- 
tute obligations of international concern and shall be placed under the guarantee 
of the League of Nations." 


These treaties and international obligations of Poland all are 
in a way an expression of a policy, of a principle of administration. 
It was outlined by the Allied Powers themselves in their letter 
addressed to M. Paderewski, the official representative of Poland 
at Versailles, at the occasion of transmitting to him the final text 
of the above quoted treaty of June 28, 1919, as follows : 

"The situation with which the Powers have now to deal is new, and experi- 
ence has shown that new provisions are necessary. The territories now being 
transferred to. Poland and other States inevitably include a large population, 
speaking languages and belonging to races different from that of the people with 
whom they will be incorporated. Unfortunately, the races have been estranged 
by long years of bitter hostility. It is believed that these populations will be 
more easily reconciled to their new position, if they know that from the very 
beginning they have assured protection and adequate guarantees against any 
danger of unjust treatment or oppression. The very knowledge that these guar- 
antees exist will, it is hoped, materially help the reconciliation which all desire, 
and will indeed do much to prevent the necessity of its enforcement." 

The letter outlines one policy which offered itself to Poland 
after she had completed her military conquest of Eastern Galicia. 
This was the policy of counteracting the centuries-old estrange- 
ment of the conquered races, of winning them over from the 
attitude of hostility to the attitude of loyalty. The Allied and 
Associated Powers emphasize as the best method for that purpose 
the assurance of protection and adequate guarantees against all 
unjust treatment and oppression. 

The London Times correspondent, however, has not the slight- 
est ground for expecting that the autonomous institutions would 
be made to work, and this in view of the strained relations between 
the Poles and the Ukrainians. 

Now this is not a statement of fact, but a statement of opin- 
ion. It is in fact the current Polish opinion, the opinion of the 



Polish government, supported by the solid Polish public opinion. 
But is this opinion warranted by due consideration of facts and 
sound political reasoning? 

That the relations between the two races have been strained 
the Ukrainians have never denied. In fact the denials came as a 
rule from the Polish side.* 

If the relations have been strained, they were so at the time 
in 1922. And yet Poland enacted the law about autonomy. How 
can she now set aside the law which was passed in strained rela- 
tions ? 

If the relations have been strained, they were so in 1923, 
when the Council of the Allied Ambassadors met at Paris and 
acknowledged the Polish occupation of Eastern Galicia as per- 
manent, but confirmed Poland's promise of autonomy for Eastern 
Galicia as an international obligation. Can Poland now justly set 
aside the obligation under the pretext of the strained relations 
which were strained at the time of making that contract? 

If Poland wants to have the freedom to refuse the law of 
autonomy because the relations between the two races are strain- 
ed, then have the Ukrainians the right to refuse their loyalty to 
the Polish State, because their relations with the Poles continue 
to be strained? The contract must obligate both parties, and not 
leave one side with all the safeguards, the other side with all the 
obligations and no safeguards. 

And if only one of the contracting parties should have the right 
to cancel the agreement, should this right be granted to Poland, 
who occupied the Ukrainian provinces by the force of arms, then 
voluntarily promised the Ukrainians provincial autonomy and fi- 
nally could refuse when asked to sign an international agreement 
to that effect? 

And should this right be denied to the Ukrainian nationals of 
Poland, who were pressed into Polish citizenship by the force of 
arms, who were induced to stay loyal to the government of foreign 

* Even during the "pacification", Mr. Tadeusz Marynowski, the Polish con- 
sul of Buffalo, N. Y., wrote in the "Buffalo Evening News", October 29, 1930, 
that the Ukrainian people are loyal and unsympathetic to the revolutionary 


occupation by means of the promises of autonomy, and who were 
not asked if they want to exchange loyalty for autonomy?* 

If it is hopeless to expect the working of the autonomous 
institutions, why does Poland still keep them on her statute books? 
Why does Poland advertise the beauty of her political system by 
pointing out to her system of local autonomy by such statements 
as the following, taken from THE STATESMAN'S YEAR-BOOK 
FOR THE YEAR 1930, edited by M. Epstein, MacMillan and Co., 
London, 1930, which surely is based upon the Polish official 
sources : 

"The Polish Constitution provides for the granting of a wide measure of 
autonomy to County Councils. The County of Silesia received a large measure 
of autonomy by the constitutional law of July 15, 1920. The Silesian Sejm 
(Diet), elected in November, 1922, consists of 48 deputies, 34 Polish and 14 
German. The autonomous rights of the Counties of Lwow, Tarnopol and Sta- 
nislawow, were formulated in the law of September 26, 1922."? 

Or, if this statement does not appear a truly official Polish 
statement, then the following statement contained in a letter writ- 
ten by Mr. Tadeusz Marynowski, the Polish consul at Buffalo, 
New York, to the Buffalo Evening News, will surely have all the 
earmarks of an official declaration : 

"On Oct. 24, there appeared in your valuable paper an article signed by 
Negley Farson, your special correspondent in Berlin, in which article Poland 
is charged with cruel treatment of the Ukrainians in the provinces of South- 
eastern Poland. 

"To anyone familiar with the actual conditions prevailing there, the article 
must have come as a surprise. It has for long been a well established tradition 
that Poland has always accorded the most liberal treatment to her racial minor- 
ities. The Ukrainian people are by no means an exception in that well estab- 
lished policy. 

"On the contrary, they have enjoyed and are still enjoying privileges often 
to a greater extent than other minorities, although Poland is not bound by any 
international obligations concerning the so-called Galicia's autonomy and the 
League of Nations never touched upon this subject, being concerned solely 
with minority treaties which Poland is always conscientiously and faithfully 
have executed. 

"They enjoy the full benefits of the Polish system of local self-government. 
Out of 78,110 elective offices in the province of Southwestern Poland, 49,501 

* This seems to be the conclusion of the Polish official class. Mr. Tadeusz 
Marynowski, the Polish consul of Buffalo, New York, states plainly in his letter 
to the "Buffalo Evening News", quoted above : 

"Poland is not bound by any international obligations concerning the so-called 
Galician autonomy". 

The London Times correspondent strangely enough omits any 
reference to this attitude of the Polish government, but instead 
curtly pleads for Poland considerations of peace and order. 


are held by Ukrainians. In the free professions and in the civil service they 
occupy numerous and important positions."* 

And if the autonomous diet for Silesia is working in spite of 
the fact that the relations between the Poles and the Germans of 
that province continue to be strained, on what ground shall one 
give up all hopes in the working efficiency of autonomous bodies 
inGalicia? In what way are the conditions in Eastern Galicia 
so much worse that this justifies Poland to refuse to carry out 
her obligations, and who is. to judge if the conditions are so much 
worse that Poland should be given the right to break her prom- 
ises? Is Poland alone to judge if she is entitled to break her 


. .What proofs has Poland to show that autonomous institutions 
would not have been able to work if the institutions have not been 
tried ? Could Poland or anybody else be so sure beyond all shadow 
of doiibt that the relatiotis would not have been improved if Poland 
had tried to carry out honestly her obligations and promises made 
before the people concerned and before the whole world? 

' If such a reasoning would be suspected as a Ukrainian opinion, 
—though such an opinion should have as much claim for consider- 
ation as the Polish opinion taken by the London Times corre- 
spondent as his own, — then why do some Polish newspapers and 
publicists entertain the same opinion? 

Mr. Alexander Bochenski, a w^ell-knpwn Polish publicist, writ- 
ing in the Cracow "Czas" (Times), gives very plainly to under- 
stand that he sees all the grounds to expect the relations between 

* The "Buffalo Evening News", October 29, 1930. 

The consul's statement was answered by a Ukrainian state- 
ment, made by Rev. Eustace Sydoriak, Pastor of St. John Baptist 
Greek Catholic Church, of Syracuse, New York: 

"In this statement the consul says that there are 49,501 elective offices held 
by Ukrainian people in the Polish government, but these offices are of minor 
importance, such as town officers in entirely Ukrainian settlements. Take, for 
example, the representation in the Sejm. There is a total of about 28,000,000 
inhabitants in Poland, of which about 8,000,000 are Ukrainian people. The dis- 
tricts are so distributed in Poland that these 8,000,000 have only 21 representa- 
tives out of 444 in the Sejm, which 21 members include White Russian repre- 
sentatives, and in the Senate four out of 111." (The "Post-Standard", Syracuse, 
December 6, 1930.) 

The statement places appropriately the two kinds of auto- 
nomy : the local bodies and the Seym : if the argument of widening 
tension between races is good for provincial autonomy, it should 
be also good for the Seym. 


the Poles and the Ukrainians improved if the various Polish prom- 
ises had been honestly carried out.* 

And here the "Ameryka-Echo", a popular Polish weekly in 
America, in its issue dated November 30, 1930, says : 

"Instead of winning over those people, instead of fulfilling towards them 
all the requirements which Poland had undertaken in her international treaties, 
instead of satisfying the needs of the Ukrainian and the Lithuanian people, 
instead of giving them schools, allowing the peasantry to buy off the large 
landed estates, Poland transmutes the Orthodox churches of those peoples into 
Catholic temples, builds Polish schools, Latin chapels and churches grow there 
like mushrooms after a rain, the people are forced by violent methods to turn 
Poles and love Poland. In 1922, the Polish Sejm in Warsaw passed a law that 
in Lviv a Ukrainian university should be built, within two years, that is before 
the end of 1924, and here six years have already passed by and of the opening 
of a Ukrainian university nobody cares, nobody even gives a passing thought. 
In view of this, the Ukrainians, finding no fulfilment of their own national 
demands on their own dunghills, against their own will throw themselves into 
the arms of their neighbors. There is nothing astonishing in this sirlce those 
who cannot find happiness at home, usually look for it outside of it." 

To be sure, both the statement of the "Ameryka-Echo" and 
the statement of Mr. A. Bochenski are expressions not of facts, 

♦The "Dilo", Ukrainian daily, of Lviv, December 24, 1930, published the 
following article : 


We call a white raven on the horizon of the Polish press, an 
article on the Ukrainian problem in Poland, which was published 
by the Cracow newspaper "Czas", conservative, pro-government 
daily, in its issue of December 18, 1930. The author of this article 
is Mr. Alexander Bochenski, who, too, has to be considered a 
rarity among the Polish publicists and politicians. Mr. Alexander 
Bochenski has already raised his voice publicly in these matters 
more than once. He wrote his article on Ukrainian matters, or, 
to be more exact, on the questions of the relations between the 
Poles and the Ukrainians in Poland, both in the columns of the 
Vilna monarchist "Slowo" and on the pages of the pro-government 
"Kurjer Wilenski", and even on the pages of the "Gazeta Poranna" 
of Lviv, but he has never treated the subject so clearly as in the 
above mentioned article in the "Czas", stating the problem as has 
no other Polish politician or publicist. 

In view of the fact that Ukrainian publications are often 
confiscated for reprints from Polish newspapers, especially those 
dealing with Ukrainian affairs, we will not quote at this time the 
article of the "Czas" directly from it, but will limit ourselves to- 
reprinting only that section which was reprinted by the Lviv news- 


but of opinion. But so is the statement of the London Times 
correspondent. And they are very significant statements since 
they cannot be suspected of being partizan as coming from the 
Ukrainian side. Though they might be termed Ukrainophil in 
their nature, still they are both statements of the Poles, who surely 
consider the interests of their race the supreme public interest, 

paper "Chwila" (Jewish) in its issue of December 20, namely that 
part of it which was not censored. 

"To understand," — we read there, — "why an average Ukrain- 
ian, though well aware of the fanaticism of separatism, is still an 
enemy of Poland, let us transfer ourselves for a moment into his 
position. Let us suppose that Eastern Galicia is under the reign 
of Ukraine and that the Poles have here such rights as now the 
Ukrainians have (under Poland). Why, the land east of the San 
river has about 50% Ukrainian population, or more. Let us sup- 
pose that the district self-governing bodies are appointed by the 
Government and that the Poles are removed from them as a matter 
of principle. That all higher administrative offices are taken by 
Ukrainians. That in the administrative offices the Polish language 
is prohibited. That Polish schools number but 700, Ukrainian 2,300, 
that there are only 3 Polish and 36 Ukrainian teachers' colleges, 
with high schools in the same ratio. Let us suppose that to learn 
Polish one must emigrate to Prague or Kharkov. That on all the 
state buildings, and so on, there are exclusively Ukrainian signs. 
That Polish colors and emblems are prohibited. That high school 
students are imprisoned for singing the Polish national anthem. 
That Poles are punished for celebrating requiem-masses for the 
Poles falen in the war against the Ukrainians. What are the Poles 
doing against all this? Burning down Ukrainian stacks? Surely 
not. But they also do not proclaim to the world their loyalty to 
Ukraine. They are merely waiting for a situation to arise which 
would help them to shake off this vexatious regime. This is the 
essence of the problem. It is not enough for us that the LTkrain- 
ians stop hurling bombs at our Eastern Fairs. We must make 
the Ukrainian mass really loyal. This is at present out of the 

"The Poles often deny this state of affairs and dupe themselves 
with the illusion that the minorities enjoy special fictitious rights, 
which they do not enjoy anywhere else. We charge even the Pol- 
ish government with supporting the Ukrainians and suppressing 
the Polish element in Eastern Galicia. We advise those to go for 
theoretic studies to the Polish Statistical Annual, and for practical 


and want Poland prosperous, strong and happy. If they refuse 
to accept the policy of the Polish government towards the Ukrain- 
ians as a policy about which no doubts should be entertained, how 
can the London Times correspondent make out for that policy the 
claim of infallibility? 

And if prominent and sober-minded Poles have serious doubts 
as to the expediency of the Polish governmental policy towards 

experience to the supreme office of any district. To learn what 
rights are enjoyed by minorities, it will suffice to go to Karlsbad 
and see how the Czechs treat the Germans. But many of our 
politicians know the state of affairs, and yet they defend it. And 
many know it, and condemn it in principle, but support it in practice 
for fear lest concessions should make the situation worse and 
strengthen the Ukrainian irridenta. 

"The Polish national-democratic faction, as well as the East- 
Galician section of the government party B.B. have propagated 
openly a complete racial assimilation of the Ukrainians by means 
of the limitations of their rights. At the bottom of this program, 
as far as the Polish national-democrats are concerned, there lies 
the thought, contemptuous and dangerous, that within the confines 
of Poland only Poles can live. Today this doctrine manifests itself 
in an animosity towards the Ukrainians, but not so long ago, as a 
leading principle, was recognized Dmowski's idea that the border- 
land should be left to Russia. Historically speaking, the experi- 
ence (of which the Poles themselves had been an object) teaches 
that assimilation by endowing minorities with wide political and 
cultural liberties gives better results than racial assimilation carried 
on by force. And Poland's geographic situation is such that in 
order to preserve our national independence we must weaken one 
of the two powerful neighbors. Because Russia is better adapted 
for that purpose we must regulate our relations with the Ukrain- 
ians and in such a manner that we should not weaken the Ukrain- 
ians in Russia. The internal unity of Poland, the unity which per- 
haps will never be attained, and if it will be attained, then only at 
the price of great efforts, — will never counterbalance those losses 
which we would suffer in the downfall of the Ukrainian movement 
in Russia. 

"Our thesis therefore, is, that Polonization is not necessary to 
safeguard the peace and loyalty of Eastern Galicia. We should 
rather think that the Ukrainians will take towards Poland a favor- 
able attitude when they receive a minimum of political and cultural 
liberties. This is proved not only by manifold historic experiences, 
but also by the psychology of the Ukrainian movement, which in 


the Ukrainians, wasn't it advisable for an outsider to inquire fur- 
.ther why is it that some Poles entertain those doubts and the 
Polish government admits not a slightest doubt? Perhaps, the 
Polish government has some additional premises which are not 

the case of an average Ukrainian is no separatism, but merely a 
revolt against a regime under which it is impossible to live. 

"And if Polonization is necessary, then is it possible? No, it 
is not. The Polonization of the Ukrainians so far advanced in 
their racial consciousness, is already impossible. It may be differ- 
ent in Polisye. There an energetic Polonization may bring some 
results. In Eastern Galicia it is already too late for this. The 
Poles have to choose between oppressing the Ukrainians and strik- 
ing an understanding between the two races. 

"We must therefore create a great and exhaustive program 
of the solution of the Ukrainian problem in Poland. First, the 
self-government must be reformed. Democracy, which has held 
sway in Poland for ten years, has imbued us with the conviction 
of the superiority of the majority over the minority to such a 
degree that it became impossible to solve theoretically the problem 
of self-government in a country with racially mixed population. 
To start with, we must reject all our prejudices. . . . 

"In the present tension it is difficult to expect any Polish parlia- 
ment to undertake such an unpopular reform. Therefore, until 
this will become possible, work should be done amidst the Polish 
society itself in order to prepare it for understanding those Ukrain- 
ians, so near and yet so distant. And before all, it is necessary to 
realize clearly, once for all, whether the Ukrainian problem exists 
and what is its essence. Only then will it become possible to take 
a seat at a conference table." 

In reading the above lines one should not forget for a moment 
that they were written by a Polish patriot, from whom it is difficult 
to expect an absolute impartiality in such a complex matter. The 
author of the article quoted, though well aware of the tragedy of 
the situation, still has, today, no courage to offer a full program 
for the solution of the problem. But the very fact that he stated 
and brought to light this painful question in this way, behooves 
us to respect him and his deliberations. We should not forget that 
he has the courage to tackle this problem at the moment when in 
his nation a bestial chauvinism and a madcap Ukrainophobia is 
celebrating a true triumph. 

("DTLO", Ukrainian daily, Lviv, December 24, 1930.) 


visible at once, and which should be disclosed by an honest outside 
inquiry ? 

It cannot help the London Times correspondent to claim an 
especially conciliatory spirit for Marshal Pilsudski. Pilsudski's 
alliance with the Ukrainian Ataman Petlura is a fact, and Pilsud- 
ski's ill-fated march on Kiev is a fact, but the meaning which the 
correspondent imputes to these facts is not a fact, but an evalua- 
tion, an opinion. Many Poles refuse to accept that evaluation, 
and surely many Ukrainians. If the opinion of the Galician 
Ukrainians is to be disregarded, then surely the opinion of many 
close friends of Petlura that Pilsudski's alliance with Petlura was 
but a smoke screen for Pilsudski's imperialistic expansion into 
Ukrainian provinces surely deserves some consideration, especially 
as this was the opinion of the Ukrainian masses around Kiev, a 
fact, which caused the debacle of the whole campaign and alliance. 

If the correspondent of the London Times claims that the 
policy of the Ukrainians during the last decade have rendered 
conciliatory intervention by the Polish government futile, he 
should adduce facts to show those conciliatory interventions of 
the central Polish government. The reader of an English paper, 
reading of such conciliatory interventions by the central govern- 
ment is likely to think of something like the London round-table 
conference on India, or some other similar open discussion of the 
differences and a similar patent proposition for defining the safe- 
guards and responsibilities of each party. The correspondent has 
not quoted one such conciliatory intervention, unless he meant by 
it the law of autonomy for Eastern Galicia, and he did not do it 
because he could not do it, as the central Polish government has 
not made even one such conciliatory intervention, unless again it 
was the autonomy of Eastern Galicia, proposed by the Poles, en- 
acted by the Poles, and tossed to the wind as a scrap of paper, 
by the Poles. 

In view of this, what value has the correspondent's statement 
that all the conciliatory intervention by the Polish government 
(which might have taken place, but has not taken place) were 
made futile by the Ukrainian attitude? To have that value it 
must first be admitted as the statement of a Polish attitude. 
Though many Poles and the Polish government subscribe to it, 
still it cannot be said to be the only Polish attitude. At least some 
Poles reject it as a true evaluation of the Ukrainian situation. 
Hence again it was worth while to inquire deeper, why it is that 
the Polish government thinks that all reconciliatory intervention 
on its part would be futile? 


The London Times correspondent also tries to help himself 
out by suggesting in another manner the alleged conciliatory spirit 
of Marshal Pilsudski's government : he says that Marshal Pilsudski 
has difficulties in getting the Galician Poles to treat the Ukrain- 
ians as equals. That the Galician Poles, having enjoyed at the 
hands of the Austrian government the privileges of mastership 
over the Ukrainians, — privileges, which they referred to the in- 
veterate "higher" position of their race, — that the Galician Poles 
could not, and still cannot, be made to treat the Ukrainians as 
equals, is a fact. That an occasional disagreement arises between 
Marshal Pilsudski and the Galician Poles, is also true. That oc- 
casionally ultra-chauvinistic Poles charge the Polish government 
with leniency towards the Ukrainians, is also true, but it is also 
true that the most chauvinistic of the Galician Poles, the Polish 
National-Democratic Party (the "All-Poles") are in unison with 
the Polish government in the belief that the policy towards the 
Ukrainians should admit no conciliation with them. That a con- 
siderable section of the Polish National-Democrats side with Pil- 
sudski's government just because the government realizes the 
program of this party could be verified by many articles from the 
Polish National-Democratic press. That a section of the Galician 
All-Poles is still not satisfied with Marshal Pilsudski's Ukrainian 
policy is no proof of the Marshal's conciliatory spirit, but of the 
completely insensible fanaticism of those Ukrainophobes. And if 
this statement is to be suspected as coming from the Ukrainian, 
let us see the comment which such a recognized Polish patriot as 
Mr. Alexander Bochenski has to say about those Poles who like 
to charge the Polish government with supporting the Ukrainians. 
Mr. Bochenski testifies to the fact that the Polish National-Demo- 
cratic Party and the East-Galician section of the government 
party are in agreement as to the Ukrainian policy : they both 
propagated openly the policy of racial assimilation of the Ukrain- 


In this we find the principle of policy which the correspondent 
of the London Times omits persistently with the result that the 
reader cannot understand why one group of Poles considers one 
policy subject to no slightest doubt while another group of Poles, 
basing on the same facts, arrives at a completely different con- 

The opposition between the two principles was stated now 
and then with completeness. The "Czas", the Cracow conservative 


paper, writing at the beginning of October, 1930, of the punitive 
expeditions in Eastern Galicia, presents the conflict clearly in the 
following statement: 

"It would be erroneous to think that even the breaking up of the central 
leadership of the Ukrainian Military Organization or of the Organization of 
Ukrainian Nationalists would be a sufficient method to cure that painful wound 
of the racial relations in Eastern Galicia. This is namely one of the most painful 
wounds of the Polish nation, which the Poles must cure in an accelerating 
tempo. As it is well known, there are two prescriptions and two methods of 
curing this wound. One of them consists in the program of more or less secret 
Polonization of the Ukrainians, another in granting them racial autonomy 
according to the law of 1922, and according to the principles contained in various 
international treaties. 

"Our paper is an ardent opponent of the policy of Polonization, both an 
open and a hidden Polonization, which is favored especially by Polish national- 
ists. We consider this policy unjust as it would lead to the persecution of the 
Ukrainian race similar to the Germanization of the Poles in Germany and to 
the Russification of the Poles in Tsarist Russia. We also consider it a futile 
policy. Not even Mr. Grabski and Mr. Dmowski*, nor any other of the All- 
Polish publicists would succeed in Polonizing the Ukrainians if placed at the 
head of the Polish government — just as the Poles were not denationalized by 
Bismarck or Buelow or Gurko. To be sure, the Ukrainians have a culture lower 
from that of the Poles of Prussia and Russia ; but it is also true that Prussia 
and Russia had a denationalizing machine much superior to the one we have. 
And still they failed to denationalize us. 

"We are the adherents of the second program, namely that of the racial 
autonomy according to the existing, though still only on paper, law of 1922. 
It is not in our interest that the Ukrainian people, who inhabit with us the land 
from the Zbruch river to the San river and who have so many qualities similar 
to ours and so many sympathetic traits, should all sink in the tenets of revolt. 
It is not in our interest that the Ukrainians should experience greater difficulties 
in taking part in the great stream of races, so far lulled to sleep, now awaken- 
ing. The program of racial autonomy, equal and fair for both races, and sin- 
cerely carried out, would remove the very support from under the feet of 
rebellion. The race, before whom spread prospects of a successful organic 
work over themselves, will not follow the policy of sabotage, arsons and murders, 
since they know that they can lose by it. Organic policy is the best antidote 
against all such ideas and against slavery, as we know this well from our own 
political experience gathered in the late province of Galicia, as well as in other 
corners of the world. 

"From the very beginning of the resurrected Polish nation, that is for 
eleven years, the Ukrainian problem has stood in Poland at a dead-still. Neither 
Polonization nor autonomy ! There was so far no government firm enough, 
strong enough, resolute enough to try to solve this problem in one or the other 
spirit. The problem has turned into a bog on whose treacherous surface bloom 
poisonous flowers. The government of Marshal Pilsudski has sufficient amount 

* Mr. Stanislaw Grabski and Mr. Roman Dmowski — two leaders of the 
Polis'h National-Democratic party, the most chauvinistic Polish party. Mr. 
Grabski, served in several Polish cabinets. Dmowski was Polish representative 
at the Paris conference. 


of authority and power which it has so far failed to use for the purpose of 
drying up this bog. And the reform of the PoHsh constitution, which approaches 
with such necessity and which must be carried out as soon as possible if the 
nation is not to fall, should comprise also the problem of the Ukrainian-Polish 
relations. Let the government regulate those relations properly, that is without 
losses and dangers of the Polish element, which has inhabited this fertile land 
on the Dniester for more than a thousand years, but also to the benefit of the 
Ukrainian people. Let the government safeguard against and free this people 
from the prevailing primitive strife and create the foundations for a peaceful 
Polish-Ukrainian co-existence. Let it introduce a political culture where so far 
triumphs only political barbarism." 



Only the stubborn insistence of the PoHsh pubHc and govern- 
ment upon a program of assimilation can explain the strange 
practices of the Polish government towards the racial minorities. 
Without considering this leitmotif the behavior of Poland towards 
East Galicia becomes either a behavior of irresponsible people or 
a sample of unmotivated cyncila perfidy. The behavior can be 
understood only from the standpoint of the policy of denation- 
alization of non-Polish races. From it, the enactment of the 
law of Eastern Galician autonomy, then the undertaking of ex- 
plicit obligations by Poland before other nations to carry the 
law into effect, and finally the refusal to carry it out, — all these 
acts, so contradictory, become merely a series of logical links in 
the chain of the same policy. The first two acts were done to 
gain the recognition from the Allied and Associated Powers of the 
occupation of Eastern Galicia, and the law and obligations about 
the autonomy were not carried out as this would strengthen the 
Ukrainian race and counteract the Polish efforts to assimilate the 
Ukrainians into the Polish race. If the informants of the London 
Times correspondent, instead of saying that autonomous institu- 
tions tend to widen the area of friction, which is disproved by the 
experience of all the nations which honestly have undertaken such 
efforts, and of the Anglo-Saxon peoples especially, had said that 
autonomy would impede the Poles in their program of denational- 
ization of the Ukrainians, they would have stated the truth which 
would elucidate the Eastern Galician situation. 

Without keeping in mind this Polish program of assimilation 
of non-Polish races, the reader cannot properly uderstand the 
Polish charge, taken by the correspondent of the London Times 
for his, that the Ukrainians are fundamentally disloyal to the 
Polish State. 


In order to substantiate the charge, the correspondent quotes 
a. person to the effect that the Ukrainians are fundamentally dis- 
loyal to the Polish state because friendly cooperation with the 
Poles would make the Ukrainians cease to cherish the dream of an 
independent Ukraine. That such a statement might have been 
made is impossible, and not this is worthy of attention, but the 
use which the correspondent makes of ft, namely to prove that the 
tJkrainiaris are fundamentally disloyal. To make such a use, the 
correspondent makes out of the author of this statement one of 
the most representative of Ukrainian leaders. As the correspond- 
ent omits to give the author's name, we have no foundation to 
judge how representative he is of the Ukrainian leaders ; what 
party would stand behind his loose talk about such dangerous 
matters as loyalty to the state and peace and cooperation with 
the Poles ; even if he is a Ukrainian at all when he makes a state- 
ment that is susceptible of a very damaging interpretation. If 
the man is really one of the most representative of Ukrainian 
leaders, is greatly doubtful since at the time when the London 
Times correspondent was making his inquiry, all the most repre- 
sentative Ukrainian leaders -were imprisoned in the fortress of 
Brest. Finally, to give the readers of the London Times a hint 
of the kind of argument the paper's correspondent makes let them 
suppose that at a moment when the Indian delegates to the Lon- 
don round-table conference on India were on their way home, a 
London correspondent of an Indian newspaper reported to his 
readers that he kows it on authority of a most representative of 
English statesmen (whose name is not given) that England does 
riot care for peace in India, or for friendly cooperation with the 
Hindoos, in fact, that she wants only to break every promise made 
to India. ' 

As the declaration stands, it is contradicted by history. No- 
body knows it so well as the Poles themselves that loyalty to the 
State does not exclude cherishing the dream of an independent 
secessionist state ; they declared again and again their Iqyalty not 
only to Austria, but even to Russia and Germany, and still neyjpr 
gave up the dream of independent Poland. And such things are 
known in the history of other races. It is evident .from this that 
the Poles are not satisfied with such a loyalty towards Poland on 
the part of the Ukrainians, with which they themselves had treated 
Austria, Russia, and Germany. It is not the usual civil loyalty, 
entailing obedience to the laws of the land, payment of taxes, the 
service in the army, but something more, namely the guarantee 
that they will never secede from the Polish State, drop all the 


dreams of an independent state, — a thing which the Poles them- 
selves considered an arrogant demand when it was made to them 
by the old empires. 

In view of this contradiction it is safe to assume that what 
the Polish officials understand by loyalty to Poland is something 
completely different than a mere civic loyalty to the State, the 
kind an average reader of English newspapers understands when 
reading the phrase. The meaning of the word should be supple- 
mented by the premises of the Polish policy as understood by 
those officials who made the charge of disloyalty. The London 
Times correspondent himself gives us to understand that by loy- 
alty to Poland is to be understood the abandonment of the program 
of secession, and the acceptance of the program of home-rule. 

He charges, however, that the Ukrainians are not home-rulers, 
but secessionists. He charges that Ukrainian extremists succeed- 
ed in intimidating the moderate home-rulers from making their 
peace with the Poles. That the Ukrainians were not home-rulers, 
but extremist secessionists, may be admitted, as far as the period 
ending March 15, 1923, is concerned. As long as the disposition 
of Eastern Galicia was not settled definitely, the Eastern Galician 
Ukrainians continued to demand full independence from Poland, 
in accordance with the principle of self-determination of nation- 
alities as proclaimed by the Allies, since every home-rule move- 
ment would be at once seized by Poland as an argument for the 
recognition of her military occupation of the country. The Ukrain- 
ians refused to take part in the elections to the Polish parliament 
at Warsaw, they boycotted the Polish census of 1921, and they 
tried to evade the service in the Polish army. However, after the 
Allies, in their decision of March 15, 1923, had recognized the 
forceful occupation of Galicia, against the unanimous stand of the 
Ukrainians, as permanent and legal, the old intransigent position 
was soon modified. One of the leaders of the Ukrainian National- 
Democratic party proclaimed openly the realistic program of 
home-rule. He argued that the Polish occupation should be rec- 
ognized as a hard fact of real life. He pointed out to the prom- 
ises of autonomy by Poland and her international guarantees of 
that autonomy. He pointed to the importance of the govern- 
mental machine for the life of the people. The importance of 
financial support for Ukrainian cultural, economic, and sporting 
institutions was stressed. He succeeded in winning to his side a 
group of active politicians, who came to the conclusion that it was 
better for the Ukrainians as a race to have open dealings with 
the government than to allow irresponsible individuals make se- 


cret compromises with individual government officials. Eventu- 
ally the convention of the Ukrainian National-Democratic party- 
took the similar realistic attitude. 


This v^as a great opportunity of the Polish government to 
attain the purpose set to Poland by the Allied Powers. But the 
PoHsh government simply did nothing to make the Ukrainian 
compromise real. The Ukrainian critics of the new policy did not 
debate the issue of loyalty to Poland. Such an issue could not 
be discussed freely. The proponents and the opponents limited 
the issue to the very practical question of the day if the Ukrain- 
ians could find a "modus vivendi" with the Poles. This the pro- 
ponent group held as possible, while the opponents of the new 
policy pointed to the entire history of the Polish attitude towards 
the Ukrainians to prove that the Poles have never taken towards 
the Ukrainians any other than an uncompromising attitude. To 
be sure, Poland had promised the Ukrainians great liberties and 
rights, but she has never redeemed her pledges. She shows no 
signs at present, they said, that she has changed her mood. 
The opponents pointed out that no conciliation is possible with one 
side willing for the compromise. A conciliation and a contract 
requires two sides, and a Ukrainian-Polish compromise is impos- 
sible because of the irreconcilable attitude of the Poles and the 
Polish government. The proponents of the compromise had a 
hard time : they were to lose by the very fact of Polish inac- 
tivity. And still the Polish government did nothing to help 
them, as if it were seized with a malicious desire to disprove every 
premise of the "home-rulers" and to prove every point of their 
opponents. The Polish press wrote day after day, week after 
week, that Poland must have the solution of the Ukrainian prob- 
lem not on Ukrainian terms, but only on the Polish terms. No 
Ukrainian promises were enough to guarantee the Ukrainian loy- 
alty to Poland. No party program and no convention resolution 
could safeguard Poland against the Ukrainian secessionism. That 
guarantee could be had only on the terms dictated by Poland, and 
those conditions required that every Ukrainian should cease to be 
a Ukrainian and assimilate with the Polish race. Amidst such 
atmosphere the efforts of the Ukrainian home-rulers died a natu- 
ral death. The Ukrainian National-Democrats soon gave up their 
position, and the proponent of the compromise died of his own 


The failure of the movement was a great lesson to the Ukrain- 
ians. Now everybody realized that no compromise with the Polish 
side was possible, or to say the least, it was not in sight. Now the 
sober, realistic view demanded the recognition of the hard fact of 
life that the Ukrainians had to expect from the Polish race or the 
Polish nation no understanding, sympathy or recognition of their 
natural desires or claims. The Polish government was evidently 
unwilling to grant even that minimum of rights which were guar- 
anteed by the Polish constitution, Polish statutes and Polish inter- 
national obligations. While in some quarters a despair set in, 
which pushed some individuals to secret dealings with the Poles, 
and others to desperate revolutionary enterprises, the great bulk 
of the Ukrainian people set out to work their own destiny without 
any help of the government, by their own means, by their own 
work, patience, and self-denial. If the government denies us help 
and assistance, they argued, then we have to get along without 
it. -If the Polish nation opposes us, well, we have to take this 
animosity as a hard fact of real life and still carry on our work. 

Thus began the feverish work in Ukrainian cultural societies, 
private schools, sporting clubs, and before all in Ukrainian coop- 
eratives. They had to begin at the very bottom, since the country 
was devastated by years of the war and was far behind in recon- 
struction because of this unsettled conflict between the two races. 
It appeared to some a hopeless task to start from so simple be- 
g^innings. But still the work went on, and soon could show first 
successes, which in turn became encouragement for further work. 
That is why the failure of the "home-rulers" must be considered 
such a great lesson for the Ukrainian movement. 

The Polish side has completely misunderstood the lesson of 
those developments. Having buried the Ukrainian conciliatory ef- 
forts by their own inactivity, the Poles now rejoiced in pointing 
out that the Ukrainian public policy does not look forward to 
reconciliation with the Poles. The Ukrainian conclusions about 
self-help, about building the life upon their own efforts, were met 
from the Polish side with sneers : if the Poles have such a hard 
time with the reconstruction of the country in spite of the support 
from their government, what will the Ukrainians be able to accom- 
plish without the help of any government? Even when the first 
fruits of Ukrainian hard work, persistence, self-denial showed 
themselves, the Poles refused to believe. But when the work 
continued to grow, the Polish press and public raised a cry of 
alarm: the Polish state of possessions were threatened by the 
Ukrainian aggression. The Polish government was called upon 
to intercede in Polish favor, to save the Polish dominion. The 


constructive, positive work of the Ukrainians was again forcing 
the Poles to think about the Ukrainian problem. Again rose be- 
fore the Polish public the problem what attitude should be taken 
towards the Ukrainians. 


Again two programs offered themselves, two programs which 
are already known to the reader : the program of reconciliation 
with the Ukrainians and the irreconciliable program of assimila^ 
tion. The adherents of the program of reconciliation tried to 
allay Polish fears of Ukrainian secessionism by pointing to the 
example of Switzerland, where three different races exist side by 
side within one state, without gravitating to the people of the 
same race outside of the border, but the example of Switzerland 
was evidently far less appealing to the Poles than the patterns of 
governmental behavior known to them from the experiences with 
the Russians and Germans, and the plan of "Switzerlandization" 
was laughed out of court. The English examples had simply no 
chance with the Poles because of the Polish consciousness of the 
English critical attitude towards the oppressive methods of gov- 
ernment practiced by Poland. 

Now and then Polish writers, publicists, and historians call 
the attention of the Polish assimilators that the program of assim- 
ilation by such methods is impossible of attainment. That no race 
in the world would agree, at the command of another race, to 
give up at once all those activities, attitudes and tendencies by 
which she came about to be distinguished from her neighbors. 
Polish assimilators persisted stubbornly in their demands. If the 
Ukrainians refuse to do it voluntarily, they have to be compelled 
to it by force. 

Now and then sober Poles pointed to the improbability that 
the Ukrainians, one of the numerically largest races in Europe, 
would ever think of committing such a racial suicide, but the more 
they pointed to the number of the Ukrainians, the more painfully 
did Polish assimilators feel the comparative numerical weakness 
of the Polish race. Sober Poles have pointed out that Poland, 
though much weaker in numbers than Ukraine, has never thought 
of racial suicide, but this merely encourages PoHsh assimilators 
to assimilate the more arrogantly so as to find a guarantee in 
greater numbers. The opponents of the assimilatory program 
pointed out to the unfavorable light in which the Poles are placed 
by denying other races the same rights which they have so voci- 
ferously claimed for themselves. But this merely brings out a 



smile of contempt on the faces of assimilators, as if to say : that 
is just why we assimilate, — that we may not care for the opinion 
of the world. Polish historians have several times told the Poles 
that the old powerful Kingdom of Poland had fallen because of its 
expansionist, imperialistic, assimilatory policy, and yet the new 
Polish leaders could not refrain from the policy of expansion into 
non-Polish territories, and from the policy of assimilation after 
they get hold of non-Polish provinces. 

The Polish official policy remained the same, and the "Lwow- 
ski Kurjer Codzienny's" following article, published in the first 
days of September, 1930, expressed the current Polish opinion 
w^hich has prevailed from the very moment of Poland's rebirth to 
this time : 

"We do not deny that the Ukrainian movement's influence among the 
Ruthenians is growing, and the most important moment in the Polish appraisal 
of the Ukrainianism is the fact that it is dangerous and even menacing to the 
Polish nation. 

"For the people who view phenomena from a historico-national standpoint, 
the fact that a phenomenon has a negative value for their principle should be 
sufficient criterion. Such a principle for us, Poles, is the eternal annexation of 
Eastern Little Poland to Poland. The Ukrainian national movement denies this 
— hence the Ukrainian movement must be of necessity combated." 

The same newspaper wrote frankly against any reconciliation 
with the Ukrainians. Having divided the Ukrainians into Ukrain- 
ians proper who are nationally conscious, and the Ruthenians, who 
are still unconscious of their Ukrainian nationality, the Polish 
organ argues that no conciliation with the Ukrainians is possible 
since every compromise with them will help only to decrease the 
number of the "peaceful Ruthenians", and no compromise is nec- 
essary with the "peaceful and moderate Ruthenians" since they 
have no demands. 

"Does it follow from this that no conciliation is needed?" — 
asks the "Lwowski Kurjer Poranny." It answers, with an em- 
phatic "yes".* 


The harder the LTkrainians worked, the more positively they 
adapted themselves to the new conditions, the more constructively 
they solved the current problems of their life, the more extreme 
measures were used by the Polish government to combat them. 
It would lead us far beyond the scope of this book to deal even 

* The translation is made from the literal translation in the Ukrainian 
triweekly "Novy Chas" (The New Times), Lviv, September 12, 1930. 


passingly of these matters. Those, however, touched or suggested' 
by the London Times correspondent have to be dealt w^ith, at least 
in short. The correspondent uses in the entire course of his report 
the term "Ukrainians". In view of his sympathies not only with 
the Polish government but even with the harshest methods used 
by that government, some readers might be led into believing that 
this is the official nomenclature used by the Polish government.* 
Of course, such use would not be a proof of the recognition or 
support of the Ukrainian movement by the Polish government, as 
it surely is one of the most elementary recognitions to permit the 
people of a race to call themselves by the name they choose them- 
selves. Alas, this is not the case with the Ukrainians in Poland. 
A special campaign against the use of the word "Ukrainian" was 
inaugurated by the Polish government, press and public. A tre- 
mendous amount of time, money and efforts was wasted upon 
that Polish campaign. The name was driven out of the Ukrain- 
ian school books by the order of the "curator" of the schools in 

* Polish representatives abroad work hard to keep up that impression. Mr. 
Marynowski, Buffalo, New York, consul of Poland, in his letter to the "Buffalo 
Evening News" (published October 29, 1930) used persistently the terms the 
"Ukrainian people of Poland" and the "Ukrainian language". He said in his 
statement : 

"You will perhaps recall that in the year 1924, by a series of laws, their 
language had been declared an official language for all purposes. By the same 
laws they have been given all facilities to cultivate their national individuality. 
They have their own schools where Ukrainian is the language of instruction 
and all Polish schools and universities have a fair percentage of Ukrainian 

The statement of Mr. Tytus Filipowicz, as published by the "Nowy Swiat" 
of New York, and reprinted in this book on pp. 18 and 19, is illuminatingly evasive 
on this point. He speaks of friendly relations between peoples, of racial minori- 
ties, but never mentions their name. 

More light is thrown upon the subject by semi-official or unofficial Polish 
propagandists abroad who allow themselves to speak against the use of the name 
of Ukrainians. A wide publicity was given in America to the statement of 
Mr. Roy Lee Ellis, in which he states : 

"There is no distinct or separate Ukrainian nation there. Ruthenians and 
Poles living there are so mixed by blood that there is no pure Ukrainian blood. 
. . . Ukrainians considered themselves Poles as late as the last century. . . . 
The alleged Ukrainian nation is artificially created, and under the name of 
Ukrainian one must understand a Ruthenian. Ruthenians even now stand on 
the lowest level of culture. Idealistic intelligentsia they do not possess at aill, 
and all provocateurs of the Ukrainian movement are not working for ideals, ' 
but for their own material gains, being paid by Moscow and Berlin. . . ." (cf. 
New York Herald Tribune, October 26, 1930.) 


the district of Lviv*. Ukrainian teachers and priests were hailed 
to PoHsh court for the use of that name. Even a paper was 
suppressed for the only "crime" of using the word "Ukrainian".** 
Naturally, the entire campaign of the Polish government and pub- 
lic failed to attain its purpose : the Ukrainians refused to give up 
their national name just because the Poles wish them to, and the 
Polish campaign has had no other effect but a useless irritation of 
the Ukrainian people.*** 

As Mr. Alexander Bochenski points out, the Polish public has 
never changed their attitude. As is clearly evident from his article 
it requires a great courage for a Polish publicist to say in Poland 
that if the Ukrainians are to be won for Poland, all the efforts 
at their denationalization should be discontinued and they should 
be offered an opportunity to develop freely their talents and re- 
sources. The Polish government has not shown even that much 
courage as is exhibited by Mr. Bochenski: it floated with the 
current. It never made one constructive approach to solve the 

* The decree of Mr. Sobinski, the PoHsh "Curator" of schools of the dis- 
trict of Lviv, dated, Lviv, March 2, 1924, No. 590, reads : 

"The educational institutions which use the Ruthenian language for instruc- 
tion shall use in the future, in their internal and external correspondence, in 
all official letters and school documents, in diplomas, official seals, etc., the name 
"Ruthenian," and not the name "Ukrainian". In case of violation of this decree 
such correspondence shall not be taken into consideration, and the institutions 
responsible for this shall bear the bitter consequences of such procedures". 

It is noteworthy in this connection that previously to this the Ukrainian 
language was called by that name. Thus the Provincial Educational Council 
addressed a letter, dated January 16, 1920, to the "Management of the Ukrainian 
coeducation courses at the State Teachers College, in Lviv, Nabielaka street". 
The "new policy" seems to have been inaugurated with the recognition of the 
Polish occupation of Ukrainian provinces by the Council of Ambassadors, March 
15, 1923. 

** The "Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, December 6 ,1930, says in its arti- 
cle entitled "Surprises of Censorship" : "Not long ago the censor supressed an 
issue of our paper, after crossing out the word "Ukrainian". This was THE 

***To illustrate further this "reconciliatory" attitude of the Polish gov- 
ernment, made so much of by the London Times correspondent, let us give the 
literal translation of the Polish letter of the Polish postmaster of Brest, sent 
to the sender of a letter mailed from the town of Drohobych, on November 10, 
1930, to Mr. Ivan Lishchynsky, ex-deputy of the Polish seym at Warsaw, then 
imprisoned in the military prison at Brest. The letter was returned to the 
sender with the following postmaster's note : "Brest-on-the-Bug, November 13, 
1970. No. 171/30. I am returning this letter without forwarding it, for it is 
written in an unintelligible language and therefore cannot be read by the censor." 


Ukrainian problem. Even the correspondent of the London Times 
can speak only of the conciliatory efforts from the Ukrainian side. 
All that the Polish government did w^as to hire various individuals 
of Ukrainian origin to do various acts intended by the Polish 
government to undermine the morale of the Ukrainian national 
movement, or to furnish Polish authorities with a pretext for 
persecutions and reprisals. Such individuals vv^ould be sent into 
Ukrainian organizations, to spy there, and then make false reports 
of alleged treasonable activities. Others w^ould be used to publish 
Ukrainian new^spapers or books directed against the Ukrainian 
movement. Still others v^ould be paid to make public statements 
of provocative contents or denouncing the Ukrainian movement. 
All of them v^ould receive from the Polish government pay or 
other personal favors, often exemption from criminal persecutions 
for thefts, embezzlement, robbery, or similar crimes, which they 
might commit against the Ukrainians. These were intimidated by 
Ukrainian revolutionists of the Ukrainian Military Organization. 
The intimidation was open and frank, and in several instances 
extreme. One may disagree with the methods used against these 
individuals, but cannot call them, by any stretch of imagination, 
"moderate home-rulers making their peace with the Poles". They 
are no peace-makers, no statesmen, no politicians. Their terms 
with the Polish government are secret, and do not aim at solving 
the problem, but at preventing the solution, at the continuation of 
the chaos. Their use was adopted by the Polish government pri- 
marily from the government of Russia, though the Polish revolu- 
tionists, headed by Pilsudski, had killed them outright as common 
spies and provocateurs. We may regret such incidents but it 
would help little to condemn them and to leave the system which 
produces them intact, as it is of little use to struggle against the 
symptoms of a disease without attacking the disease itself. 


The London Times correspondent, however, writes of the 
Ukrainian revolutionary organization as if in the background of 
it were England. He omits to mention what effect would have 
the sight of the government making public promises to millions 
of its population which it brushes away without as much as stirring 
a finger to carry them out. He omits completely to mention the 
whole political atmosphere of Poland, with complete lack of re- 
spect for the law on the part of the very organs called to carry 
out the law ; with the public order being a mere excuse for per- 


secutions and chicanery; with an official tyranny, that is a combi- 
nation of all the tyrannies of the three empires. He omits to 
mention that the Polish government instills into the Ukrainian 
people the conviction that they are a pariah marked for destruc- 
tion. He omits to mention that the Polish government has perse- 
cuted the Ukrainian cultural societies ; that it has closed hundreds 
upon hundreds of Ukrainian schools ; that it suppressed the Ukrain- 
ian press and other Ukrainian publications ; that it not only refuses- 
all governmental credit to, but often refuses to grant the very- 
license to start Ukrainian cooperatives ; that it takes away Ukrain- 
ian churches and strives to make the Ukrainian Uniat church into 
a weapon directed against the Ukrainian national movement. He 
omits to mention that the Polish government made expensive 
efforts to colonize Ukrainian provinces with colonists bought from 
western, truly Polish provinces. He omits finally to mention that 
the Polish government has not only tolerated, but abetted and 
helped with arms and money various armed pogrom organizations 
directed against the Ukrainian people. 

He omits to mention that alongside with the revolutionary- 
activities of the Ukrainian Military Organization, for which its 
members and outsiders were made to answer in courts, for which 
now the whole Ukrainian movement was made accountable, there 
have existed a Polish organization called "Strzelec", once a lethar- 
gic organization of the ex-service men, galvanized by Marshal Pil- 
sudski after his military coup-d'etat. May, 1926, into an aggressive 
organization, entrusted with the duty to spy upon everybody not 
in agreement with the Marshal's policies, and empowered to carry 
out, with impunity, attacks upon those opponents. While this 
organization is free to act with impunity against any Poles oppos- 
ing the Marshal's party, the Ukrainians are also opposed, spied 
upon, provoked, and made a victim of pogroms, by any other 
Polish party, organization, mob or rabble who only desires to vent 
its hatred or malice upon them. It has become the custom of 
Polish university students in Lviv to arrange, after every meeting, 
a parade to various Ukrainian societies and — to smash up their 
windows. No matter what happens somewhere in the country, 
Polish hoodlums attack the central offices of Ukrainian coopera- 
tives in Lviv, break their signs, furnishings, automobiles, or attack 
Ukrainian bookstores, enlightenment societies, insurance societies, 
and the like. Very often the home offices of the L'krainian soci- 
eties are blown up by bombs. The Polish police arrive occasionally 
on the spot, draw a protocol of the damages, the experts ascertain 
by what means the damage was done in all probability, and that 


is all that is done about it, unless an issue of a Ukrainian paper is 
suppressed for pointing to some culprits or demanding a thorough 

These are all facts, and not mere statements made by reckless, 
irresponsible or anonymous Ukrainian politicians. Each of these 
facts may be proved by Polish testimony. Those to be found in 
this book will give an intimation what a full collection of such 
facts would be, if the scopes of this book permitted to treat of the 
matter in full. 

It is noteworthy in this connection that the correspondent of 
the Times himself admits that the destruction of the buildings of 
Ukrainian institutions occurred in some places, and that it was 
the work of unauthorized individuals. It is only too bad that the 
correspondent has not satisfied his curiosity as to what the Polish 
government had done with those unauthorized individuals, who 
destroy the buildings of Ukrainian institutions, what was done to 
discover their individuality and to bring them to answer for their 
acts, or what was done to prevent similar occurrences in the future. 


Having given not even an inkling to the reader to understand 
the atmosphere of distrust in the possibility and efficacy of the 
legal methods in Poland, out of which has grown the Ukrainian 
revolutionary movement, the London Times correspondent instead 
has furnished him with an array of what outwardly may appear 
to be facts, but under closer examination is nothing but the opin- 
ion of the Polish authorities, who are interested in concealment 
of that atmosphere. The correspondent vouches to his readers 
what is at the bottom of the Ukrainian Military Organization, 
among whom and what classes are to be found its recruits, by 
whom they are controlled, what organizations are used to screen 
allegiance to it, who is the chief, and whence are derived its funds 
and munitions. 

As the organization is admittedly illegal and secret, an "under- 
ground" association, the authoritativeness of the correspondent is 
at least questionable. He surely could not have any access to learn 
the facts from the members of the organization. His only source 
could have been the statements of Polish officials or newspaper- 
men. And he evidently swallowed every opinion of those circles, 
and presented it as his own. And those Polish officials, the vari- 
ous Polish prosecutors and experts of the Polish police on the 
Ukrainian Military Organization, who like to speak on the Organ- 
ization, with such an authoritativeness, had been in the past forced 


to correct again and again their statements made previously on the 
Organization. So it was also with the Polish Military Organiza- 
tion, headed by Jozef Pilsudski, now Marshal of Poland; various 
rumors used to be circulated about the organization, by Russian 
prosecutors posing as experts on it, but many of those alleged 
facts presented by them were disproved as lies and inventions. 
How different could it be with the Ukrainian Military Organiza- 
tion, whose very existence depends upon secrecy which cannot be 
broken by the very members themselves? 

What evidence could the London Times correspondent offer 
to prove his allegations about the composition of the Ukrainian 
Military Organization? Quotations, perhaps, from some state- 
ments by the Polish minister of tfie Interior, of some PoHsh prose- 
cutor, or some police "expert" on the Organization, or some gossip 
or rumors from a Polish Ukrainophobe paper? If such allegations 
may occasionally satisfy a Polish jury of the guilt of the accused 
Ukrainians, will they satisfy an intelligent reader of a great paper? 
The Polish Minister of the Interior in his reply to the Ukrainian 
petitions to the League of Nations has given the profession of 
1739 Ukrainians, who had been detained for alleged participation 
in the revolutionary activities in 1930, but he himself admits that 
596 of them, which is one third, were already released, evidently 
for the lack of evidence against them.* 

What evidence could be offered by the correspondent to prove 
his allegation about the interest of foreign military circles in the 
Ukrainian national movement in general, and the Ukrainian revolu- 
tionists in Galicia especially? Yes, various 'governments might 
be interested in the Ukrainian movement, — the Polish Military 
Organization boasts of having aroused the interest in the Polish 
question of the Japanese military circles, and in 1914, the German 
military circles were interested in the Polish revolutionary move- 
ment, — but is the possibility of such an interest a proof of it? 

The Polish press and government like to talk a great deal of 
the connection between the Ukrainian revolutionists and foreign 
governments, in order to excuse in this way the extreme measures 
used against the revolutionary organization and all the societies 
connected with it. The Polish government prefers to speak of 
the connection of the Ukrainian Military Organization with the 

* Mr. Tadeusz Marynowski, Polish consul of Buffalo, N. Y., stated in his 
letter to the "Buffalo Evening News,"»published on October 29, 1930, that in 
the central Polish government's campaign against the incendiarism in the sum- 
mer, 1930, "about 400 suspects have been arrested, part of whom were released, 
and the others are awaiting trial". 


government of Germany and Russia, thus capitalizing the animos- 
ity, old and new, against the two governments. The correspond- 
ent of the London Times or his informants have decided upon the 
German mihtary circles. No proofs are offered for that conspi- 
racy: evidently, it is hoped that once the German staff is men- 
tioned no proof is needed. This was the usual policy of Polish 
prosecutors at the trials of various members of the Ukrainian 
Military Organization. Allegations of the "experts" were deemed 
sufficient proofs. The readers of an English daily are evidently 
considered as ready to believe such allegations as the members of 
Polish juries. It seems, however, that these readers are en- 
titled to have their doubts and to ask for evidence upon which 
such chargs are based. And if the German government really is 
the main furnisher of the funds and arms for the Ukrainian revo- 
lutionists, aren't the readers of great English dailies entitled to 
know why the Polish government refused to bring the matter to 
the knowledge of the League of Nations, at least as a retort to 
the German charges against the Polish government, in January, 
1931 ? 

The correspondent of the London Times tries to prove the 
charge by such evidence as a temporary residence of the alleged 
leader of that organization in Berlin. Is this a proof likely to 
appeal to an unprejudiced person? And if the leader's residence 
(if the person named is a leader) is a proof of his connection with 
the general staff of the country in which he lives, why not to 
mention his struggle against the German forces that had occupied 
Ukraine, in 1918-1919? What would this prove? 

And what proofs has the correspondent for his enumeration 
of the various societies which are alleged to have served as screens 
for the revolutionary activities of this Ukrainian Mihtary Organ- 
ization ? 

All the societies enumerated by the correspondent are legal 
organizations, with open activities, with home organs openly pub- 
lished and censored by Polish censors. Could such an organiza- 
tion be called revolutionary even if some members of it have been 
affected by revolutionary spirit? Could the society then be said 
to have turned revolutionary even though it continues in its non- 
revolutionary activities, publishing a non-revolutionary organ? 
Would it be just, sensible or expedient to punish a school, church, 
sporting club, boy scout movement for the revolutionary spirit of 
a few members? These seem nonsensical questions. No intelli- 
gent person would seem to be able to entertain even for a moment 
a thought about blaming the whole organization for the acts or 


spirit of a few members. And yet this nonsense seems to be the 
very essence of the PoHsh law on the Ukrainians. Many a Ukrain- 
ian organization was dissolved by the Polish government because 
several of its members did a "revolutionary" act, prohibited by 
the Polish government, for instance collecting contributions for 
Ukrainian war veterans. The supreme officer of the district of 
Radekhiv, by a decree No. 3754-30, dated October 26, 1930, dis- 
solved the reading-room (branch) of the "Prosvita" because in 
the reading-room were found a copy of the censored book "Hutsul- 
sky Kurin" (which depicts the Polish-Ukrainian war) and a copy 
of the treasonable poem "It is no time, it is no time to serve either 
the Russian or the Pole".* 

The Ukrainian private "gymnasium" (college) of the society 
"Ridna Shkola" (Native School) at Drohobych was dissolved by 
the Polish government because of its alleged revolutionary spirit 
for connection with the Ukrainian Military Organization. The 
"Novy Chas", the Ukrainian triweekly, of Lviv, November 21, 
1930, published the declaration of the directors of the dissolved 
school in which they state that for the last five years, which is 
since the recognition of the school by the Polish authorities, there 
was not one arrest in the school, either of a teacher or a student. 
Two students arrested last summer for the alleged participation 
in a revolutionary act — one was completely released, and the 
charges against the other were changed. During the pacification 
of 1930, 2 students and 2 teachers were arrested, but all were 
released. Out of all the persons connected with the society main- 
taining the school, 31 persons were arrested, but all were released 
with the exception of one, the Ukrainian ex-deputy to the Polish 
seym, who was arrested for his activities as deputy, and not for 
his activity in the society. 

Polish official statements may be characterized by the follow- 
ing statement of the Polish ministry of the Interior, in its reply 
to Ukrainian petitions to the League of Nations : 

"It must be remarked that the sabotagist activities did not embrace the 
entire territory of Little Poland, but only some of its districts, and developed 
especially in those localities where exist stronger Ukrainian organizations, sport- 
ing or cultural, such as 'Prosvita', 'Luh', 'Sokil' and 'Scouts', or Ukrainian 
schools, which proves that it is from those institutions that most often the 
initiative came to commit the criminal action". 

But will any sensible or nonpartizan person be moved to make 
such conclusions as is made by the Polish document? If such a 
proof is sufficient to condemn Ukrainian organizations what con- 

* The copy of the decree was printed in Polish by the "Dilo", the Ukrainian 
daily, Lviv, November 5, 1930. 


elusions should be drawn from the fact that the most criminal 
city in the United States, if not in the world, is the city which has 
the largest Polish colony? 

As to the revolutionary character of the Ukrainian boy-scout 
organization it would also be interesting to hear the correspond- 
ent's evidence. It would be interesting to hear some quotations 
from "revolutionary" speeches made by the leaders of the organi- 
zation, or such quotations of "revolutionary" passages in the offi- 
cial organ of the organization. The Polish government, which gave 
that information to the London Times correspondent, has already 
attempted to prove its statement. Ninety six T)oy-scouts were 
placed on trial in the city of Stry, charged with membership in an 
illegal scouting society. Ninety-six girls and boys were packed 
into the court room, charged with various acts, often insulted in 
their national feelings, and in the end were all acquitted without 
exception (though their condemnation could not have been a proof 
of their guilt, in the opinion of an unprejudiced person). 


The correspondent now offers a picture of an especially inten- 
sive revolutionary campaign of the said Ukrainian revolutionary 
organization of the summer, 1930. The correspondent himself 
mentions that communist agents were responsible for an inde- 
pendent part of the burnings. The correspondent, however, has 
strangely omitted still another factor which was written and com- 
mented on quite widely by the Polish press before it became initi- 
ated into the tenets of Polish pacificatory politics. The "Illustro- 
wany Kurjer Codzienny", for instance, a Polish pro-governmental 
daily, wrote on October 4, 1930, No. 268, in the following manner : 

"In the last period the epidemic of incendiarism in Pomerania reached 
simply terrifying dimensions. There was noted a long series "of fires, namely 
in: Nowy Dwor, Komorowo, Misleniew, Goscieszyn, Zarnowce, Rytwany, Les- 
zne, Filipow, Krotoczyn, Ludzikow, and in many other places. Fires destroyed 
mostly homes and barns. 

"It is characteristic that those fires were started mostly by the owners of 
these households themselves, and this with the purpose of obtaining fire insurance. 

"For several months we have been warning the society that the policy of 
the Mutual Insurance Association as practiced for some time to increase the 
assessment of immovable property for the purpose of receiving higher indemnity 
is a clear encouragement to criminal arson. The facts of actual life confirm 
this prophesy in all the provinces of Poland." (Italics of the original.) 

Because three factors at least were responsible for the epi- 
demic of arson in Poland in the summer of 1930, wasn't it more 
sensible on the part of the government to investigate first to what 


factor each act is attributable? Why did the PoHsh government 
jump at once to the conclusion that the Ukrainian Military Organ- 
ization alone was responsible for all the acts of incendiarism? 
Why has the Polish government throv^n aside this sensible mode 
of action? How can such a question be answered without the 
insight into that general policy of the Polish government towards 
the Ukrainians? 

If the acts of incendiarism forced the hand of the Polish gov- 
ernment, why was "pacification" used only in the Ukrainian prov- 
inces, and not everywhere where such acts of incendiarism oc- 
curred? Why wasn't the remedy applied also in Pomerania, if it 
was in Galicia, or rather, if it was not applied in Pomerania, why 
wasn't its application given up in Galicia? 

If the correspondent of the London Times had spoken with 
Ukrainian political, cultural, cooperative and sporting workers and 
organizers, he would have surely come across upon a strong criti- 
cism of the Ukrainian Military Organization from various angles, 
and he would have noticed that the strongest feeling is aroused 
by the use of provocation which the secret nature of the Organi- 
zation offers Polish pogrom organizations.* In this way he would 
have come upon a fourth element responsible for the epidemic of 
arson, the provocative burnings by Polish secret and semi-secret 
pogrom societies, done with connivance with the Polish govern- 
ment, with special object to justify the reprisals that were to be 
heaped upon Ukrainian societies. 


The correspondent's efforts to prove the guilt of the Ukrain- 
ian Military Organization for all the acts of arson in Galicia and 
his efforts to connect the UTcrainian volunteer fire brigades, ath- 
letic clubs and schools, receive a further illumination from the 
Polish press. Polish newspapers, in their unaware moments, have 
many times emphasized the need to destroy the various Ukrainian 
organizations, mentioned by the London Times correspondent, and 
the need was connected not with any revolutionary activities, but 
with Polish interests, pure and simple. The Polish press likes to 

* He could come across hints at this argument in the Ukrainian press, hints 
only, since a free discussion of such matters would be suppressed by the Polish 
censor. In this manner for instance was suppressed the declaration of the three 
Ukrainian political parties condemning the principles and tactics of the Ukrainian 
Military Organization. 


speak of the Polish-Ukrainian relations in the term of war. To 
take at random, here is an example taken from the leading paper 
of Lviv, the pro-government chauvinistic, "All-Polish" "Slov^^o 
Polskie", writing on September 10, 1930, i.e. directly before the 
punitive expeditions, on the firing-line of the Polish-Ukrainian war, 
and comparing thus the relative strength of the combatants : 


The Union of the Ex-Service men, 765 branches ; 

Union of the People's Youth 245 branches; 

Sokol — ^122 branches ; 

The Society of Private Polish Schools — 40 circles, 256 reading-rooms ; 

Fire brigades — 263 posts. 


"Prosvita" — 3,000 circles and 2916 reading-rooms ; 

"Luh" — 747 circles ; 

"Sokol" — 513 branches ; 

"Scouts" — 76 circles. 

"We do not enumerate," — the "Slovo Polskie" writes, — the cooperative unions 
such as 'Silsky Hospodar' (numbering 1,100 circles) and the cooperatives organ- 
ized in Centrosoyuz, Maslosoyuz, Narodna Torhovla, Centrobank, — in all 7019. 

"The Ruthenians constitute on this territory 53.3 per cent of the population, 
and the outposts of their social life are 100 per cent, stronger and more numerous 
than Polish outposts. 

"On the most important front sector, namely that of cultural and enlighten- 
ment, the relations are compromising (for the Poles) and painfully ridiculous. 
Against 2916 Ruthenian reading-rooms 256 Polish ones. . . . 

"The 'Prosvita' has arranged in 1928, 1637 festivals, 7474 amateur theatricals, 
and 2343 lectures. Ten thousand and four hundred cultural enterprises in one 
year! What can the Poles offer against that?" 

The Cracow conservative "Czas" (Times), in an article signed 
by S. Dolinski, published on October 11, 1930, reverses its previous 
position in the Ukrainian problem (quoted above) and propagates 
to force the Ukrainians into various Polish societies in all the 
fields of social activity. The author states that autonomy of East- 
ern Galicia is out of the question. He is opposed to granting the 
Ukrainian autonomy because the Ukrainian institutions which 
would enjoy the widest autonomy would be those in which the 
foreign enemies of Poland would have the widest influence (and 
not because autonomy would but widen the area of friction, as 
reported by the London Times). Such institutions, the "Czas" 
says, are : the Greek-Catholic (Uniat) church ; private secondary 
schools ; agricultural societies, especially the agricultural coopera- 
tives ; cultural societies ; and sporting societies. Nothing less than 
that ! That is the entity of the social life of the Ukrainians. And 
all this should be destroyed, the "Czas" says, because in these or- 
ganizations the Ukrainians lose the sight of true original purposes 


of these societies and begin sooner or later to work against the 
Polish State. 

And still Mr. S. Dolinski's plan is modest when compared to 
the plans of other Poles, who try to strike directly at the very 
root of the Ukrainian race, that is at the stratum that holds the 
land, the peasantry. Mr. Karol Hubert Rostworowski, for in- 
stance, a prominent Polish writer, playwright, laureate of many 
prizes, calls upon the Poles to join his "Association of the Defense 
of Eastern Lands", in appeal he "proves" that the "Ruthenians" 
in Eastern Galicia are foreigners, indeed, nothing but denational- 
ized Poles. This element, he says, wants to occupy the PoHsh 
land by means of purchases of great landed estates, of cooperatives 
and other "similar inimical unions". 

The papers quoted are for the destruction of the enumerated 
Ukrainian societies, cultural, sporting, and economic. And the de- 
struction of these Ukrainian objects is advised as simple war 
measure in that Polish-Ukrainian conflict which the Polish public 
and government prefer to view as a matter of life and death. This 
was advocated before the so-called pacification, but after the 
pacification the correspondent of the London Times wants us to 
believe that these objects were attacked because "volunteer fire 
brigades, athletic clubs, and even an organization modelled on the 
Boy Scouts have been used locally to screen allegiance to the 
Ukrainian Military Organization".* 

With this statement may be contrasted the common state- 
ments of Polish pro-government newspapers, which again and 
again repeated the charge that all the Ukrainians are accountable 
for the activities of the Ukrainian Military Organization, — a state- 
ment which had for its purpose to justify that attack upon the 
entire Ukrainian race which was to pass abroad for a "pacification". 


When comparing the list of the "culprits" according to the 
Polish newspapers with that presented here by the London Times 
correspondent, it strikes one that from his enumeration of those 
subsersive organizations are omitted Ukrainian cooperatives. The 
reader is allowed to draw the conclusion from this correspondence 

* Mr. Marynowski, Buffalo consul of Poland, in his letter to the "Buffalo 
Evening News", said : 

"The direct cause of the recent unrest in Southeastern Poland lies in the 
activities of a terrorist organization, directed and financed from abroad. / feel 
certain that the Ukrainian pcol^Jc of Poland arc neither actively supporting or 
even synipalhi::in(j zuith the organization". (Italics are mine. — Ed.) 


that while cultural and sporting clubs served as screens for revo- 
lutionary activities, the cooperatives were just what they were 
supposed to be. This inference is confirmed when the correspond- 
ent testifies that the cooperatives were active, that signs were on 
with all the Ukrainian colors, and that in spite of punitive expedi- 
tions the business was as usual. Let the reader, however, supple- 
ment this report with other reports, with witnesses upon witnesses 
tellin of the special venom shown by the pacificatory detachments 
against the Ukrainian cooperative and then ask himself, why was 
this fact omitted by the informants of the London Times corre- 
spondent? Is it because no Englishman would believe that a co- 
operative would indulge in anything else but doing business ? It 
is because no Englishman would believe that a cooperative w^orker 
is least likely to be revolutionary conspirator? 

The Polish press, on the whole, made no such differentiation 
as made by the London Times correspondent or his informants. 
The Warsaw Polish socialist "Robotnik" wrote at the beginning 
of September, 1930, when the Polish press was preparing the 
atmosphere for the reprisals against the Ukrainians : 

"The tension between the Poles and the Ukrainians in Eastern Little Poland 
is menacing. The press reports always newer and newer acts of sabotage com- 
mitted by the Ukrainian Military Organization. The first fiddle in these report- 
ing is done by the TUustrowany Kurjer Codzienny', the 'Lwowski Kurjer 
Poranny', and the 'Slowo Polskie'. These newspapers, as if at a command 
given by their superiors, conduct a rabid anti-Ukrainian campaign, which has 
all the earmarks of persecution. The danger lies in the circumstance that these 
incidents are attributed to the entire Ukrainian race, and that most severe meth- 
ods of reprisals are advocated in order to stop them. Charging that all the 
Ukrainian organizations, cultural, enlightenment and economic, are centers of the 
terroristic and revolutionary activity, those papers demand the dissolution of all 
the Ukrainian gymnastic and sporting societies, that exist legally, the liquidation 
of all the Ukrainian schools, of the enlightment society 'Prosvita', of the 
'Ukrainian Theatre', the withdrawal of all the governmental credit, closing to 
the Ukrainians of all the access to government positions, and so on.* 

"It is a fact that so far the Ukrainian public did not oppose energetically 
and did not start to combat the irresponsible activities of the Ukrainian Military 
Organization, but it does not follow from this that the Ukrainian public are in 
agreement with the Ukrainian Military Organization. A considerable part of 
the Ukrainians takes a negative attitude towards the Ukrainian Military Organ- 
ization, a considerable part are passive towards it, which facilitates the activities 
of the Organization. . . . The 'Novy Chas', the organ of the right wing of the 

* While a Polish paper testifies that the Polish chauvinistic press advocates 
the closing of all the access to government positions to all Ukrainians, the London 
Times correspondent wants us to believe that "intimidation or the threat of 
boycott by their own countrymen has prevented Ukrainians from entering the 
administrative services in any number" ! 


Ukrainian Democratic Union, gives clearly to understand that the arsons are 
committed by the landlords in order to get insurance. This common opinion 
that it is not the Ukrainian Military Organization which is responsible for the 
acts of sabotage, explains the fact that the press does not combat the Organiza- 
tion. And still during trials it was ascertained that the Ukrainian Military 
Organization does commit sabotages. 

"Such an attitude of the Ukrainians finds a ready foundation for the 
agitation of the Polish nationalists. We hear more and more often from the 
pages of the (Polish) press threats of reprisals and revenge, which pass beyond 
the limits admissible by the requirements of public peace. As the 'Dilo' reports, 
leaflets are being circulated, signed by some 'Citizens' Committee' calling to a 
'final settlement', and the 'District Federation of the Polish Defenders of the 
Country' in Lviv publishes an appeal to its branches to be ready for the battle. 
The 'Gazeta Kolomyjska' also declared: 'We will find a method to liquidate 
our debts, with only one difference that we will pay our debts with interest, and 
with a usurious interest at that !' 

"The 'Lwowski Kurjer Poranny' fired the following sentence, 'If the mur- 
ders and arsons of the Ukrainian Military Organization find no proper reply, it 
is too bad, but we hope that a proper answer will come. As to ourselves, we 
will not remain debtors. And our settlement will not proceed according to the 
rule, 'tooth for tooth', but according to the principle, 'Ten for one !' 

"These words certainly are the best evidence of the conditions and sentiments 
in Little Poland. 

"The fruits of such a propaganda are ripening: last Saturday 20 persons 
attacked the Ukrainian hotel 'Narodna Hostynnystya', and the doorman of the 
hotel was wounded with a knife. This knife is a proof of what elements are 
composed those 'ready to struggle'. If the Polish-Ukrainian conflict is allowed 
to drift, then it may easily end in a catastrophe. An active attitude of the Poles 
will not weaken but strengthen the pugnaciousness of sabotagists. We stand 
before the danger of a greater friction in the Polish-Ukrainian conflict. It is 
hoped that the government will do every thing in its power to prevent a Polish 
action. Every attempt at causing a brawl should be stopped in its inception. 
It is worst when an inflamed rabble begins to help the government in carrying 
its official duties. It will not be difficult then for an incident to bring about sad 

Was the so-called pacification really directed against the sab- 
otages of the Ukrainian Military Organization? Albert Filipczak 
writes in Ameryka-Echo of Toledo, Ohio, November 30, 1930: 
"Eye-witnesses tell that punitive expeditions were sent equally 
into those villages in which there had been no acts of sabotage, no 
burnings, no explosions, and these expeditions punished severely 
peaceful and defenseless people." And this statement is substanti- 
ated by many facts from the interpellation of the Ukrainian sena- 
tors in the Polish seym, quoted in the later part of this book. 
One village after another is given with the note that no acts of 
sabotage had happened in it. The Polish government could easily 
disprove one such allegation after another, quoting the acts com- 

* Quoted from the "Dilo", No. 197, September 6, 1930. 


mitted in each particular village. Why hasn't the government 
done it? Were then these punitive expeditions dispatched into 
those villages to fight against those revolutionists w^ho were not 
there? Or were they sent there for the purpose of doing the job 
which they did, and that is destroying the various Ukrainian 

If the punitive expeditions were an extraordinary measure 
directed against the Ukrainian Military Organization, why then 
didn't the soldiers and the police when flogging the peasants as 
a rule speak of the Military Organization, but of the Ukrainian 
race? Polish official communiques, their description of these ex- 
peditions, state that the punitive detachment, coming to the vil- 
lage would call the village autonomous officers and explain to them 
the purpose of the arrival of the expedition. Why didn't these 
officers explain to the people that the purpose of the expedition 
was to stop incendiarism, instead of starting to flog the people, 
punctuating the blows with curses against Ukraine ? 

If the putting an end to the epidemic of arson and the liqui- 
dation of the Ukrainian Military Organization were the purpose 
of the punitive expeditions why then did the Polish government 
officials and Polish pogrom organizations force the Ukrainians to 
dissolve Ukrainian societies just because they were Ukrainian? 
Why were the Ukrainian communal autonomous bodies ordered by 
Polish district officers to declare themselves against the organiza- 
tion or existence of any Ukrainian society whatsoever? The blanks 
of such declarations were offered for signature also to private 
individuals of the Ukrainian race. The texts of such declarations 
were published in various Ukrainian and Polish papers, and offered 
as evidence in the Polish seym. Why doesn't the name of the 
Ukrainian Military Organization appear on them? Why aren't 
arsons mentioned in them ? Why forever nothing else but the 
Ukrainianism and Ukrainian organizations as a whole are made 
the butt of those declarations? 

Giving his picture of the punitive expeditions, the London 
Times correspondent admits that the Polish police and soldiers 
have committed most culpable excesses. This would mean that 
the "punitive expeditions" themselves were a legal act. Why didn't 
he state also in this connection that the Polish constitution 
prohibits the use of corporal punishment or any other punishment 


inflicting physical torture ? * Why didn't he add that the Polish 
law knows nothing of the principle of collective responsibility 
which has been applied in this case to make the whole Ukrainian 
race responsible for the acts of the Ukrainian Military Organiza- 
tion, and the whole village for the acts of arson committed on its 
territory, or the entire Ukrainian society answerable for the indi- 
vidual acts of its particular members, even though done outside 
of the society? Why hasn't he mentioned all those facts, which 
are pertinent to the question of excesses in the punitive expedi- 
tions? Has he not heard of them? Why, some Polish newspa- 
pers have emphasized those facts very strongly. If their reason- 
ing was not convincing to the correspondent of the London Times 
why didn't he present them simply as a matter of opinion of those 
papers and leave the matter with the reader to decide ? 

Here, for instance, is such an opinion of the "Robotnik", the 
official organ of the Polish Socialists, one of the largest Polish 
parties, which not so long ago counted Pilsudski among its mem- 
bers. The "Robotnik" wrote editorially on October 3, 1930: 

"Our attitude to the last events on the territory of Eastern Gahcia is well 
determined. We start from the principle, that mass reprisals cannot be a method 
of combating the so-called sabotages in any nation. Mass reprisals shift the 
entire matter to another plane: the individual who has committed an act of 
sabotage, ceases to be responsible individually and disappears in the crowd. 
Reprisals strike at thousands who have nothing in common with the very crime; 
there remains a principle of 'collective responsibility', which is unknown to the 
Polish law, which is foreign to any conception or needs of the nation. 

"We would like to be in position to verify all these reports which come 
from Eastern Galicia. We refrain from publishing them until we have verified 
them. At present we confirm that the 'sanation camp' (the pro-government 
camp) went along the line of the extreme Polish nationalism and is duped by 
the false opinion that a 'strong police hand' can settle anything or can explain 

'We omit various tragic details. We say instead with complete frankness 
that the so-called pacification of Eastern Galicia as undertaken by the 'punitive 
expeditions' is contrary to all the traditions of the Polish work under foreign 
occupation in favor of Poland's independence; that it destroys all hopes that the 
relations between the Poles and the Ukrainians could become in the future more 
peaceful ; denies all the ideology of the Polish-Ukrainian understanding, which 

* The Article 95, of the Polish constitution, states : 

"The Polish Republic guarantees on its territory a full protection of life, 
freedom and property to all without distinction of nationality, language, race or 

The Article 98, of the Polish constitution states: 

"Prosecution and punishment of a citizen is admissible only according to 
the rules of the laws in force. 

"Punishments accompanied by physical torments, are not permitted and 
nobody shall be subjected to such punishments." 


a portion of the pro-government party not so long ago considered their own 
undeniable property. 

"Acts of sabotage are not combated by means of 'punitive expeditions'. In 
the twentieth century, they are combated by means of legal procedures, and 
especially by means rendering the Ukrainian public responsible for the fate of 
the Polish Republic. Such was the ideology of the Polish struggle for Poland's 
independence in 1863 ; such it has remained the principle of Polish socialists." 

And if the correspondent of the London Times should not care 
to weigh the facts and opinions of the "Robotnik" on the ground 
that they may be dictated by the spirit of opposition to the govern- 
ment, then he will perhaps listen to the opinion of the pro-govern- 
ment "Przelom", which said: 

"We are alarmed by the reprisals directed against the Ukrainian population 
of Eastern Galicia (the original terms it Little Poland), reprisals which in some 
cases might have been indispensable, but when applied collectively, may overstep 
the limits of necessity. Those reprisals set aflame torches of hatred and may 
create a historic chasm between the Polish and Ukrainian races. Yet, the prob- 
lem of our attitude towards the Ukrainian public is much more than that of 
merely keeping Eastern Galicia (Little Poland) with the Polish Republic. This 
is a question upon which depends to a great extent not only our national devel- 
opment and its policy, as well as our international standing, but the realization 
of the great conception of uniting the Baltic and Black seas, which was the aim 
of Marshal Pilsudski during his Kiev expedition. And without the realization 
of that conception, which constitutes the reason for the existence of the Polish 
state in the fabric of world history, there can' be no talk of Poland as a great 

"The depicting of Poland as a 'great Power' should be checked by at least 
those newspapers and camps, which see the solution of the Ukrainian problem 
in Poland only in police reprisals and in the 'collective responsibility' (which 
offends the sense of justice and law), in packing prisons with Ukrainian leaders, 
and in the muzzling and hand-shackling of the Ukrainian people. Unless, words 
and slogans should serve no other purpose than to mask the true thoughts and 
program which they are ashamed to confess aloud."* 

"The 'Naprzod'," — says the "Dilo", taking exception to the 
'Przelom', wrote in an uncensored article as follows : 

"But to what government does 'Przelom' thus address itself? To the gov- 
ernment to which Marshal Pilsudski gives power and for which he takes re- 
sponsibility? This government the paper charges with losing sight of the 'reason 

* This article is reprinted from the Ukrainian daily "Dilo", Lviv, October 
28, 1930, which on that occasion wrote : 

"We have on several occasions reprinted a number of comments of the 
Polish oppositionist press of Warsaw criticizing the notorious events on the 
territory of Eastern Galicia, but when such articles appeared on our pages, they 
were always suppressed by the censor. Now we intend to record the comments 
of the "Przelom", the organ of the democratic group of the B B regarding said 
events, and then the views of the "Naprzod" on those comments. To. avoid 
another confiscation of our paper we reprint both quotations from a Lviv paper, 
namely the "Chwila", of October 26, 1930, which the Lviv censor had passed. 


for existence of the Polish State'. To be sure, 'Przelom' hits that very press 
which praises collective reprisals, but this press does not carry out those re- 
prisals ; it merely fosters a public with depraved instincts. And who is the actor 
of that spectacle, which, as the 'Przelom' assures us, racks social conscience? 
Has not a free hand been left in such an important matter to local administra- 
tive organs and to the police? 

"And if the 'Przelom' makes a charge of declamatoriness against this sec- 
tion of the press which, speaking of Poland as a great power sees the guarantee 
of it in prisons, then we must say that such a charge is well merited by the 
'Przelom' itself, which tries to save its face by empty talk. Moreover, the 
system which considers imprisonment the best method of combating parliamentary 
representatives, does not look for other methods in pacifying the borderlands. 
This system must be accepted in its entirety or rejected completely. To evade 
the issue by means of phrases is an empty eflfort." 

The controversy between the two Polish newspapers has a 
far deper interest than the mere fact that one of them is the 
organ of the pro-government group, known as B.B. (Non-Partizan 
Block of Cooperation with the Government). The controversy- 
defines the Polish aspiration to play again the historic role of a 
great power; the ambitions leading to the occupation of important 
Ukrainian provinces, which took Pilsudski upon his Kiev adven- 
tures, and which were also in the background of the recent re- 
prisals against the Ukrainian people. "Naprzod", the Cracow daily 
organ of the Polish Socialist Party, which had given the previous 
Polish parliament the speaker, Mr. I. Daszynski, points out the 
connection between the reprisals against the Ukrainians and the 
encroachments of the Polish police, army and courts upon the free- 
dom of the Poles themselves. Both newspapers seem to be in 
accord as to the use of libertarian phraseology for the purpose of 
concealment of real thoughts and programs, too shameful to be 
made public. Both opponents silently agree that the main sinner 
in this respect is the Polish government. 


As a final master stroke of his apology for the Polish reprisals, 
the correspondent of the London Times speaks of "a sufficient 
number of oiled rifles and machine guns discovered, some in the 
houses of parish priests". The phrase "oiled rifles" must have been 
meant as a refutation of the L^krainian charge, raised later by the 
Ukrainian deputies to the Polish seym, that those weapons were 
useless relics of the world war, such as any war veteran likes to 
keep in his house. The correspondent does not mention a word 
about it, not more than he does about the Ukrainian charge that 
many of these arms had been planted by the very officers making 
the raids. But when this might be an omission, what shall the 


reader think of the correctness of the whole report when the 
correspondent of the London Times vouches the discovery of 
machine guns in the houses of Ukrainians, of some of them in the 
houses of Ukrainian priests ? And the PoUsh government, in its 
reply to the Ukrainian petitions to the League of Nations, enume- 
rates that the following weapons were discovered by the Polish 
punitive expeditions in the Ukrainian ("three Eastern provinces 
of Little Poland") during the period of July 1, to November 31, 
1930: 1,287 rifles, 292 shot-guns, 566 revolvers, 398 bayonets, 46 
daggers, 47 sabres, 27 brass knuckles, 99.80 kg. of explosives, 31 
hand granades, 2,857 cartridges, 137.4 meters of fuse, and 56 wire- 
cutting scissors. As this report was sent in January, 1931, and 
the correspondent's articles appeared on December 12, and 18, 
1930, could it be supposed that the correspondent knew of some 
machine-guns of which the Polish government knew nothing? 

To be sure, every government has the right to disarm the 
people, but is it a sensible method of government to terrorize five 
millions of people in order to take away from them an arsenal at 
which a Chicago gang would ktigh? (1,200 rusty rifles with 2,800 
cartridges, or one rifle for every 3,500 Ukrainians, two cartridges 
per each rifle !) 

And when it is right for the government to take arms from 
the people, why did the Polish government take away the rusty 
relics and the non-existent machine-guns but left good rifles, 
hand-granades, and other perfectly good arms in the hands of 
Polish colonists in Eastern Galicia? Why did the Polish govern- 
ment search for the Ukrainian machine-guns which exist only in 
the imagination of some Polish apologists, and why didn't the 
Polish government take away the rifles, machine-guns, and aero- 
planes, exhibited at the convention of the Polish "Strzelec", at 
their convention in the spring, 1930? 


And if the measure, though illegal and unjust, was still dic- 
tated by a good judgment of the emergency, why does the govern- 
ment begin to consider if it would not be advisable to introduce 
into Galicia a frontier gendarmerie, perhaps of the kind that were 
used by Austria in Bosnia to terrorize the Servian people away 
from the Servian nationalist movement? And why do the Polish 
chauvinistic, pro-government papers go on talking of the need 
of the Poles to be an armed camp, disciplined, and to carry an 
uncompromising combatative attitude ? (Vide, e.g., the article en- 


titled "A Ukrainian's Horoscope", in the "Slowo Polskie", Lviv, 
October 15, 1930.) 

How can all these facts be accounted for without taking into 
consideration the fundamental idea of the Polish government that 
the Polish State is the PoHsh race ,and that every other race that 
some day might secede from Poland should be destroyed? 

* * 


There are still many facts in this, in its way remarkable cor- 
respondence which require correction, but these are omitted in hope 
that all the facts mentioned in the article will be examined by the 
reader in the light of all the evidence presented in this book. 



OSHAWA, No. 18 (Staff Special).— Oppressed by attacks of po- 
lice and soldiers, burdened by heavy taxes and fines levied for the 
least cause, denied the right to use or teach their own language, 
the 4,000,000 Ukrainians of East Galicia are victims of a plot of 
the Polish Government to crush out their national feelings and 
culture, claims Philip Kalynko, of Oshawa, who has just returned 
from an 18 months visit in Poland. 

Within the last few months thei lot has become worse be- 
cause of Pilsudski's attempt to control the Parliament and change 
the constitution by terrorizing all who might oppose him. 

Mr. Kalynko, himself an eyewitness of many of the incidents, 
describes wrecked villages, Ukrainians beaten senseless by gen- 
darmes, crops burned and supplies looted. These have been com- 
mon happenings all over his native province, he states. The stories 
he tells of incidents witnessed during his visit sound like tales of 
the dark ages in Europe. 


There are 7,000,000 Ukrainian subjects in Poland, he states. 
Of these over 4,000,000 are concentrated in East Galicia which be- 
fore the war was subject to Austria. After the war the residents 
of the province founded a Ukrainian republic, not, however, in any 
way identified with the Soviet Republics. Mr. Kalynko declared 


emphatically that the people always had been and still were strong- 
ly opposed to Communism. 

Poland, after several years of war, aided by France, crushed 
the neighboring republic and was granted the province by the 
Council of Ambassadors in 1923. At that time the Polish Govern- 
ment promised that the Ukrainians would have cultural autonomy 
with full language rights and their own schools and universities. 
This promise, he declares, has not been kept. During the past 
few years, the Government has been trying to beat the Ukrainians 
into poverty-stricken submission. 


"The League of Nations does nothing for my people," says 
Mr. Kalynko. "Other minorities in Europe are represented by 
their own people in the league. We have no representatives to 
speak for us and that is why I want Canadians and all civiTized 
people to know about conditions in my native land." 

It was in 1911 that Philip Kalynko left his home to come to 
Canada. He spent most of his Canadian life in Oshawa. He has 
a large family. He returned to East Galicia in May, 1929, to visit 
with friends and relatives. With a strong love for the beautiful 
Ukrainian literature and traditions, the trip was intended to be 
a cultural pilgrimage. Instead, he found himself mourning for 
departed glories and returned fired with the patriotic purpose of 
awakening the outside world to conditions in Central Europe. 

"The first thing I noticed was how poor and unhappy all 
the people were," said Mr. Kalynko. "The Ukrainians should not 
be unhappy, but I found out why when I discovered, all the schools 
closed, the Ukrainian language forbidden and the people compelled 
to study Polish. I noticed people walking the streets bare-footed. 
One family I knew had only one pair of shoes, and when the father 
went out in the cold weather, the mother and the rest of the 
family had to stay in the house." 


While visiting relatives in Serafynci, a small village near Horo- 
denka, Mr. Kalynko was an eye-witness of one of the punitive 
expeditions of the Polish gendarmes to terrorize the peasants. 
On the estate of the neighboring Polish landlord some grain had 
been burned in the field. The villagers claimed that the owner 
had done it himself to collect insurance and thus make more money 
than he could have done by selling his grain. 


"About 80 gendarmes and police rode into the village in the 
morning," describes Mr. Kalynko. "They started by wrecking the 
co-operative store ovi^ned by the villagers. Then they gathered 
a crowd of people and made them wreck the building and throw 
out all the supplies. Rice, sugar and flour were mixed with refuse, 
so that it would be spoiled; they smashed windows and ripped off 
-the roof. 

"They did the same with the Community Hall where the peo- 
ple held their little concerts and dances. 

"Then they went into homes of about 20 of the leading peas- 
ants and damaged their property. They beat them with heavy 
sticks and tried to make them confess that they knew who had 
burned the crop. Of course the people didn't know, so couldn't 
tell. They burned the crops of many of the farmers and fined 
those that resisted. They stayed in the village about 24 hours 
and then rode away." 

Similar scenes were enacted in Shlenkevick, another nearby 
village, while Mr. Kalynko was visiting there. 

"In Verbiwci they attacked the Ukrainian school because the 
teacher was using some of our language," he said. 

"They went into his home and wrecked everything. They 
gathered all the clothing of the teacher and his wife and burned 
it and ripped the teacher's good coat with their bayonets. When 
the teacher's mother, an old woman, tried to save some clothing, 
they beat her with the butts of their rifles and she was badly in- 


In the same place, Mr. Kalynko states, the gendarmes ar- 
rested a farmer, Serenda, and beat him until he had to be taken 
to the hospital. The police would enter and search and wreck the 
homes of the peasants by night, throwing out all their food and 
spoiling it. The taxes are heavy, he claims, and the peasant can- 
not grow enough grain to pay them all. They can only get worth- 
less Pohsh marks for their grain, but have to pay for manufac- 
tured goods in Canadian or American money. It takes 10 bushels 
of wheat to pay for a rough pair of shoes, he states. 

Archbishop Andrew Sheptytsky, a count and large landowner 
himself, said Mr. Kalynko, declares that many of the crimes blamed 
on the peasants were committed by the landowners, who are un- 
able to sell their grain under present conditions and burn it to 
collect insurance. However, the Polish Government sends cavalry 


ing all suspected areas and terrorizes the peasants when any- 
thing happens. 

Beating the peasants with heavy sticks is one of the favorite 
pastimes of the police, alleges Mr. Kalynko. He described a raid 
at Vikno, where 13 peasants' homes were destroyed, and their 
owners beaten. They entered the home of the priest, who was 
at dinner with his family. Pretending to search his papers, they 
destroyed all the property in the house. A little girl made some 
objection and she was beaten until she was crippled. 

(The Toronto Evening Telegram, November 18, 1930.) 





An English Inquiry. 

The official Polish Press Bureau in London, in a series of 
widely circulated "Bulletins," has recently tried to throw dis- 
credit upon the reports which have appeared in the "Manchester 
Guardian" upon Polish affairs. It has questioned not only the 
paper's accuracy, but its good faith. At the time of the publica- 
tion of these "Bulletins" we dealt day by day with such points as 
seemed to us to require refutation or comment. The "Bulletins" 
were also largely concerned with points of detail which we did 
not think it necessary to pursue and with general reflections upon 
the / character of the "Manchester Guardian" as a newspaper 
which we were well content to leave to the judgment of the public. 
We car^ only suppose that the underlying motive of this remark- 
able campaign was to distract attention from our truthful account 
of the terror in Eastern Galicia this autumn, of the violence 
and trickery practised in the recent elections, and of the barbarous 
treatment of political prisoners. 


Confirmation of the accuracy of our reports is not difficult to 
obtain. We publish below the report of Miss Mary Sheepshanks 
on the atrocities perpetrated in Eastern Galicia of which she 
made a special investigation on the spot. Miss Sheepshanks, 
who is a daughter of the late Rishop Sheepshanks, was at one 
time head of Morley College, then secretary to the "Fight the 
Famine" organisation, and has for several years been secretary 
of the Women's International League at its headquarters at 
Geneva. Some of the details of her story make painful reading, 
but we have thought it necessary to publish it in full since it 
shows that our reports, whose accuracy has been officially denied 
by the Polish Press Rureau, in no way exaggerated the thruth. 

{From Miss Mary Sheepshanks) . 

An urgent request was sent to some international bodies by 
the Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia, and^ especially by the women, 
to send an independent commission of inquiry to investigate the 
methods used by the Polish soldiery and police in the "pacifica- 
tion" carried out during October and up to the elections on 
November 16. In response to this request, two women, an 
Austrian and an Englishwoman, recently visited the districts 
concerned, and, in spite of all the difficulties placed by the 
authorities' in the way of obtaining the information, it was found 
possible to collect first-hand evidence as to the sufferings inflicted 
on hundreds of villagers in the districts concerned. 

The Ukrainians or, as the Poles prefer to call them, Ruth- 
enians number about 5,000,000 in Eastern Galicia, and differ in 
race and language from the Poles. They have a distinctive 
culture of their own, and although by religion Roman Catholics, 
acknowledging and being acknowledged by the Papacy, they 
have a church of their own, the Uniat, which has liturgy akin 
to that of the Greek Orthodox. Their Metropolitan Archbishop, 
Count Szeptycki, a man of great culture and learning, is one of 
the leading spokesmen of their racial ideals, and champion of their 
civil rights. The pastoral letter in which, in the month of 
October, he protested against the Polish "pacification" was sup- 
pressed by the authorities. The events which led up to the 
severe repressive measures ordered by the Polish Government 
were rickburnings carried out, it is stated, by schoolboys going 
through the country on bicycles. Instead of punishing the 
culprits it was decided to terrorise the whole population. The 


Ukrainians themselves believe that the repressive measures were 
ordered, not in consequence of the firing of crops, but in order 
to terrorise the population into voting for the Government list in 
the elections. 


The investigation of all these events is very difficult owing 
to the following ordinances: 

Paragraph 1 : Article 1 . — Whoever intentionally gives such 
information or documents, or puts other objects at the disposal 
of strangers, which in the interest of the Polish State should be 
kept secret from the Governments of foreign States, is liable to 
a punishment of five years' imprisonment. 

Paragraph 1 : Article 5. — Whoever intentionally, or without 
authorisation, collects information and documents or other 
material which are mentioned in article 1, or whoever attempts to 
obtain possession or to get infonnation of such things, is liable 
to a punishment of three years' imprisonment. 

Many persons are now in prison for mere possession of in- 
formation with regard to damage done to persons and property. 
Houses are frequently searched by police, and the population is 
so thoroughly terrorised and in such actual danger of further 
reprisals that few will venture to make a statement that may 
lead to further floggings and imprisonment. Nevertheless it was 
found possible to interview a number of peasants and workmen 
from different villages, who were still suffering from the fright- 
ful beatings inflicted on them two months ago. In each case the 
general plan followed was similar, and showed clearly that it 
was ordered from headquarters. In some cases the attack on 
the village was made by cavalry, in other by police squads; the 
time chosen was generally night: the village was surrounded, 
machine-guns set up. Some soldiers were detailed to levy 
contributions ,in live stock, grain, and sometimes cash from each 
household. Others forced the villagers to wreck their reading- 
joom, library and co-operative store, and for these operations 
they were not allowed tools but had to use their hands, which 
were often torn and bleeding, in fact used to the bone. They 
were then made to sign a declaration that they had carried out the 
demolition of their own free will. A third detachment rounded 
up the leading men of the village, especially the keeper of the 
co-operative store, the custodian of the reading-room, and others, 
including the schoolmaster and the priest. These men were 


then driven into a barn, stripped, held down, and beaten with the 
thick sticks used for threshing. The beating was continued till 
the men lost consciousness ; they then had cold water poured over 
them and the beating was resumed. Very often 200 or 300 
blows were inflicted, so that the flesh was horribly torn, and in 
the case of the man we saw the wounds were still unhealed and 
raw after two months. In many cases bones were broken, in some 
cases death ensued. A woman from one of the villages told us 
how she had seen the beatings carried out, and how one young 
man who was being pressed to acknowledge that he had arms 
hidden at last, in frantic pain, said, in order to stop the flogging, 
that he had a gun hidden in his roof. The soldiers then went 
to look for it, and not finding it (it had never existed), they 
beat him to death. 

This woman also told us how she saw a man dragged, after 
beating, along the roads, tied to the motor-car of the officers. 
Women of the village were forced by the soldiers to dress in 
their festal clothes, to provide wine and wait on the troops, and 
then to accompany them to the next village. Meanwhile the 
beaten men, bleeding and fainting, were thrown into a cellar, 
where they were left for 24 hours without attention to their 
wounds, and even without a drink of water. 

In some cases women, children, and very old men were flog- 
ged. We saw a boy of 13, whose leg was broken by the 
soldiers, and the bone was so injured and inflamed that it will 
|not heal. We saw also a man of 63 who has now been ill 
for ten weeks as a _ result of his beating. 


One terrible feature of the whole procedure was the refusal 
of medical treatment to the victims. Doctors were forbidden 
to go out of the towns to the villages, and peasants attempting to 
come into the towns for treatment were turned back by the police. 
In many cases the wounds have gangrened, and either death or 
lifelong injury has resulted. As is inevitable when a helpless 
peasantry is handed over to the armed soldiers and police to do as 
they like, numerous excesses of all kinds have occurred. A 
priest, Mandziy, after receiving 200 blows on the back and hav- 
ing water thrown over him, was then turned over and the police 
stamped on his chest and beat him on the belly and legs; in his 
agony he begged to be shot. The police were at the time cooking 
their meal near by; they took the boiling food and threw it over 
his wounds. Shortly after this his death was announced by the 


Polish press, but, unfortunately for himself, he still lingers on in 
torture. His sister, who lived with him, was then beaten and his 
house broken up. 

In another village there was a Jewish doctor who wished 
to dress the wounds, but was forbidden to do so. The Polish 
hospitals have refused to take in the victims, and, in many cases 
the local doctor has fled for fear of arrest, as several doctors 
found dressing wounds of the victims were imprisoned. 

Evidence in support of this statement was given to us by 
doctors, and a list is in our possession of cases of wounds with 
names, age, and village of the victims. These include cases of 
necrosis, hemorrhage, broken ear-drums caused by blows on the 
head, and gangrene. 

Destroing the Evidence. 

In order to prevent medical reports being drawn up the 
houses of Ukrainian doctors in the towns were searched by the 
police; even the jam-pots and children's toy-cupboards being 
searched for documents or photographs. Lawyers, too, were 
forbidden to take any action in defence of their clients. A 
number of persons injured, and whose property had been pillaged 
and looted by soldiers and police, addressed themselves to lawyers 
in Tarnopol. For merely taking down statements of their clients' 
cases they were seized by the police, who searched their houses. 
Five lawyers were imprisoned. In one casa the wife, who acted 
as her husband's secretary, had helped in drawing up a statement. 
She was taken to the police station, stripped in front of the police, 
and imprisoned in various prisons for two. months, then in despair 
and misery she refused all food, and was finally released. 

In another case the wife of a priest who was severely ill 
was told by the police to get up and on being unable to do 
so was dragged from her bed and beaten until insensible. Her 
two daughters, aged thirteen and seventeen, were similarly beaten. 

Besides damage to persons, immense damage has been done 
to property. The priest's house in many cases has been wrecked, 
the furniture and books destroyed. The village reading-rooms, 
libraries, and co-operative stores have been systematically 

The priests were special objects of enmity. On one occasion 
a bishop who personally visited sixteen villages immediately after, 
and in some cases during the raid, was threatened, and only 


released on showing his episcopal cross. On another occassion, 
when the Bishop of Stanislavov, hearing the cavalry approaching 
a neighbouring village, drove to the presbytery, he sent the priest 
away in his carriage, and himself occupied the priest's place. 
When the soldiers came to search for the priest, the Bishop 
declared, "I am now the priest here," and they were afraid to 
touch him. In many cases the victims were forced, under 
threats and mistreatment, to sing the Polish national hymn and to 
cry "Long live Pilsudski." 

After these raids had continued for some time, the inhabitants, 
on hearing that troops were approaching their village, fled into 
the woods and remained in hiding for many days/ in some cases 
for weeks. In some villages the troops took the roofs from their 
houses, or forced the peasants to destroy their roofs ; the windows 
were broken wholesale, stoves damaged, agricultural machines, 
sewing machines, and other apparatus ,broken up. In some cases 
wells were befoulded and the drinking water supply destroyed. 

Assaults on Women. 

Naturally, as in all such cases, there were attacks on women. 
We possess the names of persons and of villages who were 
mistreated in various ways, and we possess signed statements 
as to the damage done. 

Evidence was also confirmed by other eye-witnesses of the 
events, women belonging to various women's organisations, by 
lawyers, deputies, doctors and clergy, in particular by bishops, 
whQ have so far been immune from personal violence, and who 
are in close touch with their clergy and with the inhabitants. 

Several points must be emphasised: that this so-called 
pacification has been carried out with a ferocity which can only 
be compared to the previous atrocities carried out in the early 
nineteenth century by the Bashi-bazouks in the old Turkish 
territories, and, secondly, that these atrocities were not punish- 
ments inflicted for crime but were inflicted without trial and 
wholesale on an entire population. Thirdly, that they were done 
by command of the Government and were carried out strictly 
according to plan and were not merely the excesses of subordina- 
tes. Fourthly, that the victims were denied all medical assist- 
ance. Fifthly, that every efi"ort has been made to prevent the 
drawing up of any reports or statistics showing the extent of the 
repression. The number of villages thus treated was between 
500 and 800. It cannot be stated with exactitude how many 


peasants and workmen were flogged, but it certainly runs into 
hundreds and perhaps several thousands. Imprisonments have 
also been carried out on a great scale, and when the prisons were 
full the barracks and other buildings were requisitioned. 

If, as is stated by the Polish apologists, this whole affair has 
been much exaggerated, it is a matter for surprise that they 
resist the attempts to ascertain the exact facts. 

[The .Manchester Guardian, Monday, December 29, 1930). 



Allow me to describe several experiences which I had in East- 
ern Galicia on my recent visit to that country. 

I started from America on October 3 with the intention of 
visiting the village of Ivanivka in the district of Skalat, the place 
of my birth. I arrived in Lviv (Lemberg) on October 10. At the 
railroad station I saw two groups of persons, six in each, with 
manacled hands, tied to each other by ropes, being led by Polish 
police. They wore the costumes of the Ukrainian peasantry and 
all were evidently badly beaten, as they had bruises on their faces 
and blood on their shirts. Arriving at the Ukrainian hotel "Nar- 
odna Hostynnytsya" (National Hostelry), I was surprised to see 
the windows broken and the gates closed. The clerk told me that 
Polish students and rowdies had attacked the hotel the day before 
and demolished it. I took a room facing the court, for only such 
rooms were not completely wrecked. I could not stay there long, 
however, for every hotel was being carefully watched by the Po- 
lish police who were on the lookout for every foreigner. -Having 
been shadowed for two days by spies, I checked out and went to 
live with my friends. 

On the very day of my arrival to Lviv, I saw a parade of 
Polish university students. They marched directly to the build- 
ing of the Ukrainian society "Prosvita" (Enlightenment) and there 
broke all the windows. They did likewise to the Ukrainian dairy 


cooperative "Maslo-Soyuz" (Bufter Association) and others. The 
Polish state poHce calmly looked on without interfering. 

I wanted to go to the village, but my friends told me of the 
Polish punitive expeditions into Ukrainian villages. I was advised 
to stay in the capital as I would surely be arrested immediately on 
my arrival to a village. I was told also of bombing of Ukrainian 
schools by Poles in Lviv, so I went out to see if it was true, and 
I saw the Ukrainian school of Prince Leo on the suburb of Lycha- 
kiv lying in ruins. Only some one provided with military explo- 
sives could possibly so completely ruin the building. There re- 
mained but one wall standing. 

I started for the village of my birth in spite of the fact that 
my friends at Lviv had told me of thousands of Polish police and 
soldiers invading Ukrainian villages, robbing the Ukrainian peas- 
ants, flogging them, maltreating them in all inhumane ways pos- 
sible. I succeeded, however, in penerating as far as the town of 
Tarnopol, where I was told by the Polish police that should I 
venture into a village, I would be arrested at once. I then returned 
to Lviv. 

On my way from Tarnopol to Lviv, from my train I saw, near 
the town of Zboriv, a group of eleven Ukrainian peasants being 
conducted by a Polish policeman and a Polish soldier. The two 
officers sat on the wagon while the peasants, manacled to each 
other and tied together with a rope about their necks, plodded 
their way in the deep mud and rain. 

On my arrival at Lviv, I heard that some peasants, wounded by 
the Polish punitive expedition, had arrived at the city. In order 
to see them I went to the General Hospital on Lychakiv street. 
I saw a long line of peasant wagons on which lay wounded Ukrain- 
ian peasants. They had not been admitted by the mangement of 
the hospital, being told by Polish doctors that there was no room 
for them. My friend who was with me told them to go to the 
Ukrainian dispensary, "Narodna Lichnytsya," where they might 
receive first aid. 

I followed them to this dispensary. Having served as a nurse 
all through the World War, I showed the doctor my creden-^ 
tials and was at once admitted as help. We nurses went to the 
wagons waiting before the dispensary. We lifted the peasants 
and carried them into the dispensary room. Some could walk only 
with the aid of the nurses. Mots of them started to bleed from 
their wounds as soon as they lifted themselves and had to be car- 
ried in. Two of them could not be moved from the wagon and 
had to be bandaged while lying there. As soon as a patient was 


brought in, we removed the clothing, which was soaked with blood 
and the dirt which had been beaten into the wounds. They were 
flogged on the buttocks and their backs were covered with streaks 
from the whipping. One of the victims had a deep wound 
on his neck from which almost all the skin was abrased; he told 
us that while he was being flogged by three soldiers, one of them 
kept his boot on his neck, pressing him to the ground. Their flesh 
was beaten in mash, and often hung in strips, which bled horribly. 
Some of them showed the inception of gangrene. 

I have brought with me from over there photographs of the 
victims of Polish floggings. I can identify each photo, and give 
the name, profession, age and wounds of each person. I refrain 
from publishing the names fearing for the security of the persons 
photographed, or, if they have died already, of their families. 
Among the victims photographed there is a peasant 61 years of 
age. His wounds from flogging by Polish soldiers cut to the very 
bones. Compared with them the worst shot wounds I had seen 
in the war seemed a mere trifle. He was first flogged with clubs 
and flail-swingles, some three hundred lashes on one spot. Then, 
after the flesh had been beaten from off the bones, the soldiers 
plaited electric wires into a cat-o'-nine-tails and again whipped 
the victim on the same spot to make the flesh fly in strips. My 
fear for the safety of these victims is no joke as the bandaging 
was done always with fear of a raid by police, gendarmes or Po- 
lish hooligans. It made everybody nervous, doctors, nurses, and 
patients. But we had to do our duty. 

Among the victims whom we bandaged in the dispensary was 
Rev. Michael Blozovsky, parson of the Ukrainian Catholic church 
at the district city of Pidhaytsi. He gave me explicit permission 
to publish the story of his experiences. 

He was arrested by Polish police during a walk in his parish. 
They told him, "Come with us, and we will ordain you again, for 
you were not properly ordained if you had the desire to organize 
Ukrainian boy-scouts!" He was brought to the police station, 
-taken to some shanty on the premises and thrown into a dark 
room. While thus imprisoned he heard from the outside, the hor- 
rible groans and cries of maltreated people. An hour later a 
policeman came into the room, slapped him on the face twice and 
hit him in the side with the butt of the rifle, knocking him down. 
The policeman then kicked him with his boot and left, saying, 

. 10 


-"We'll soon come here to ordain you". Fifteen minutes later two 
policemen came, took him out of the dark room and led him to the 
courtyard, under some barn or wood-shed. Two policemen threw 
him down, tore off his cassock, pants and shirt. One soldier sat 
on his neck, another sat on his legs, and four started to flog him. 
He swooned, and was revived with cold water dashed over his face. 
When he regained consciousness, he was told, "This was your first 
ordination. Now we shall see if you were properly ordained, and 
if not, we will start anew." They stuffed his mouth with dirt, 
saying, "Taste this soil and tell us whose soil it is!" He said, "It 
is the land of the people, the Ukrainian people." They said, "Evi- 
dently you were wrongly ordained, so we have to ordain you 
again." They flogged him again till he swooned. When he came 
to, he was told to eat the dirt again, and once more was whipped. 
Regaining consciousness, he found himself lying on the floor of 
the police station. In the evening several parishioners took him to 
the parish house. Here he was attended to for three days by peas- 
ants, and when his wounds showed no signs of healing, he was 
taken by them to Lviv, to be treated by doctors. 

The victims of the. punitive expedition told the doctors that 
there are other people as badly beaten but they could not be re- 
moved from their homes, and they appealed to the doctors to go 
to them. Several Ukrainian doctors started on one of the following 
days to the villages named, found and helped several of the victims, 
but were soon arrested by the Polish police, who were afraid lest 
the doctors should write of their examinations to newspapers in 
their private letters or to the courts. Thus were arrested the 
physicians Dr. Panchyshyn and Dr. Maritchak of Lviv. With 
the same purpose in view, the peasants were threatened with 
another punitive expedition should they complain about their mal- 

In order to see the life of the village with my own eyes I 
dressed in a peasant costume and with a friend, who also donned 
a peasant woman's garb, went to the village of Chyzykiv in the 
district of Lviv. I saw many peasant homes demolished. Windows 
were smashed, their sashes torn out, doors broken, roofs torn off. 
In the pantries we saw grain and flour mixed into one mass over 
which was poured soup and kerosene by the Polish soldiers. 
Trunks were broken and linen was carried away. Chickens and 
hogs were also taken by soldiers without payment. INIany people 
face ruin and starvation. In many houses lay men who have been 
flogged. In some houses we came across several members of a 
family sick in bed as a result of flogging. 


We bandaged many wounded and gave them all the money 
we had with us. Many people refused to take any help from us, 
telling us of the threats of Polish soldiers and officers that should 
they accept any help from Ukrainians another expedition would be 
sent to. them. In most cases they refused to give us their na:mes 
or to tell us who had beaten them, and no amount of assurance 
on our part could convince them that we were not spies or pro- 

I returned to Lviv, w^here I learned on the very next day that 
the Polish police suspected me of going to Ukrainian villages and 
that I was under the police surveillance. I continued to nurse 
in the Ukrainian dispensary and in a private Ukrainian hospital. 
The Polish police and administrative officers were making frequent 
visits to the hospital, trying to force the managers to close it and to 
send the patients to their homes. The doctors and nurses, hov^-' 
ever, refused to comply with this request, telling the officers that 
they have no means of sending the patients home and that the 
Polish managers of public hospitals refused to admit them. 

Some time later I happened to be present during the visit at 
the hospital of the "starosta" (supreme officer) of Lviv. He was 
accompanied by a government doctor, a judicial officer, and several 
policemen in plain clothes. They at once ordered all the doctors 
and nurses out of the hospital. We were told by the patients later 
that the officials had taken charge of the wards, and going from, 
one patient to another, uncovered their wounds, and the "starosta" 
dictated to the clerk what he should write. The government doctor 
stood by nodding his head to every word of the "starosta," while 
this official described the wounds of a man who had received three 
hundred blows with a flail-swingle as a wound of the size of a 
lady's palm. When the patient bitterly remarked that he had re- 
ceived three hundred blows with a flail-swingle, the "starosta" 
remarked, "Then you weren't beaten properly yet if you were able 
to count your blows." After that no patient dared to correct the 
"starosta." They were cowed by the threat to receive another 
beating, which they read in the "starosta's" words. Some of them 
were too weak to utter a word of protest. 

The "starosta" asked some of the patients by whom they had 
been beaten. They answered that it was the work of soldiers. 
He asked, "What soldiers?" If the patient was able to name the 
detachment, he was asked if he would be able to recognize the 
floggers individually. When_the .patient hesitated, he "starosta" 
dictated that the floggers were unknown. Some were able but 
were cowed by the methods of inquiry to admit. Some were not 


asked those questions at all, the "starosta" simply dictating the 
answer, without questioning. 

The "starosta" inquired most persistently as to who had taken 
the photographs of the wounds. Hearing such questions, the pa- 
tients were silent or evasive. They would give evasive answers 
when asked for the name of the doctor or tlie nurse who had 
dressed the wounds. The "starosta" called loud that those who 
had dressed wounds had done this in order to take photographs, 
and that he would close the hospital and disband the whole bunch, 
that the hospital is illegal. 

For entire three weeks I stayed in Lviv. New patients were 
continually coming to the dispensary and hospital asking to be 
treated for wounds resulting from floggings. Some of them were 
beaten a few weeks previously, others had recent injuries. Many 
of the wounds were infected with gangrene. Many of the nu- 
merous victims were not expected to survive. We were told of 
the death of several victims in the villages. 

Mrs. Mary Skubova, midwife, 
132 East Seventh Street, New York, N. Y. 

{Mrs. Skubova evidently witnessed one of the attacks of Polish stw- 
dents and hoodlums on Ukrainian societies. These are treated in a special 
chapter of this hook. 

Her experiences give a picture of the reign of terror spread by the 
Polish government and public. Her words call attention to the tenseness 
amidst which the Ukrainians have to work. The reader can imagine the 
tenseness of Ukrainian pupils and teachers in a period of "pacification" or 
pogroms on Ukrainian sc^hools. If such a tenseness contributes to the paci- 
fication of the minds is left an open question. 

The inquest which she describes is a typical Polish official preparation 
for a dementi. The Polish government speaks of the Metropolitan's dispen- 
sary in harsh words, in its replies to the Ukrainian petitions to the League 
of Nations. 

She brought with her a number of photographs of the mutilated bodies 
of the victims of Polish atrocities. Those to ivhom the photographs ivere 
shown were so horrified by them that they advised us not to publish them. 
For the same reason were omitted certain portions of her deposition quoting 
Rev. Blozovsky's experiences. — Ed.) 





On December 9, 1930, the United Ukrainian Organizations of 
the United States, sent to MetropoHtan Andrew Sheptytsky, of 
Lviv, twenty-five hundred dollars with the following cable : 



On December 10, 1930, the United Ukrainian Organizations 
of the United States, wrote to the Bishop the following letter : 

"Yesterday we sent to you by telegraph through the Baltic American Line 
$2,500 to support that huminitarian action which is carried under the auspices 
of Your Excellency, and which is intended for the relief of those who had fallen 
victims of pacification. . . . We hope that Your Excellency has received the 
contribution also from other sources in America. We continue to collect them, 

The letter was mailed on December 11, 1930; it was registered 
to insure delivery. 

The money was sent in reply to appeals addressed to the 
United Ukrainian Organizations describing the urgent need of 
help for the victims of Polish atrocities. The appeals came from 
prominent Ukrainian individuals who succeeded in getting from 
Poland into Czechoslovakia. The reports mentioned that public 
hospitals and dispensaries refused to admit the victims of Polish 

The money was sent to the Archbishop because he has started 
a dispensary within the precinct of his cathedral. 

On March 13, 1931, the United Ukrainian Organizations of 
the United States received the following letter : 

"At the instance of His Excellency the Metropolitan Andrew I beg leave 
to ask the officers of the United Ukrainian Organizations of United States to 
furnish more explicit information. To His Excellency's address there have 
arrived from America several sums of money, without any information whatso- 
ever by whom they were sent and for what purpose. Whatever information was 
sent with the money through banks was not received, I give here the list 
of transmittances which were received by His Excellency: (1) $2,500, through 
the Hamburg-America Line, Finanzabt. Hamburg 1, Ferdinanadstrasse 58. . . , 
Kindly find a suitable method to inform us WHO has sent the above sums and 
FOR WHAT PURPOSE. Perhaps, you can do it through American news- 
papers. In all probability these sums were designated for the relief of the 
victims of pacification and for the Metropolitan Sheptytsky Hospital in Lviv. 


I would be grateful to you for your kind efforts and information so that His 
Excellency be able to distribute money properly. 

Yours truly, 
•■■'^"' '■ ALEXANDER KOVALSKY, Canon of the Bishop's Chapter." 

(The telegram a?id the registered letter jailed to reach the addressee 
for evident reasons: The Polish government is the mail carrier in Poland 
<^s well as th^ transmitter of tele grams, -^the telegraph being there a state 
enterprise, subject to the ministry of Posts and Telegraphs, 

The consequence of these confiscations is evident: the victims of past- 
fichtibh'for whoni the money was designated have not received it. For 
some, QJ. them, the consequences of the Polish government's acts might have 
been very serious. The Polish government cannot excuse itself by the ignor- 
ance' of the possibility of such consequertces. Hence the logical conclusion 
is that' they were withi?! the purpose of the Polish government. — Ed.) 


!•: i'/fDziennik Ludowy" reports: 

"The village of Selyska, near the town of Bibrka, was visited by a squadron 
of ,14th uhlans regiment from Lviv, accompanied by a detachment of police, 
\vli6 conducted the searches. Dmytro Pidhimy, 30 year old farmer, not wishing 
to- meet the police, wanted to run into the forest. " Corporal Vlad. Rodzinski 
fired iafter the escaping peasant and killed him on the spot." 

"'-'"Dilo," Lviv, October 17, 1930. 

The "Nedila" (Sunday), No. 8, reports that in the village of 
Podhorodyshche, district of Bibrka, there died ANTONY SNOVY- 
£)OV"YCH, an intelligent peasant, 64 years of age, another victim 
of the events of the last autumn. 
1 . '^Dilo," Lviv, March 1, 1931. 

'-In the previous issue of the "Nedila" (Sunday) we read of the 
d'eath in the village of Ruda, district of Bibrka, of MICHAEL 
HORYN, another victim of the last autumn's events. 
"Dilo," Lviv, March 1, 1931. 

;,;;.;: 9. 

We receive the following communication: 
;., ., On Wednesday, February 18, 1931, there died in the village of 
Tyaziv, district of Stanyslaviv, another victim, of the notorious 
events of the last autumn, MICHAEL LYTVYNETS, 35 years old. 


well known in the whole region for his cultural work, the mayor 
of the village, member and director of all the cultural and en- 
lightenment societies of his locahty. He was a conscious and active 
Ukrainian and a man of great character. 

Though still young, he succeeded in winning for himself the 
sympathies and confidence of the village. He combated success- 
fully racial apostasy and various animosities of the "neighbors,"- 
owing to which he became salt in some people's eyes. 

On October 17, an expeditionary detachment of Uhlans was 
passing through the village of Tyaziv. An officer with several 
soldiers turned into the village and went straight to Michael Lyt-. 
vynets's household. A thorough search gave no results. They 
went after him into the fields, where he plowed, suspecting noth- 
ing untoward. When he greeted them, they began to whip him 
all over the body, then drove him to gallop before the horses, 
whipping all the way as they went, until they reached the neigh- 
boring village of Yamnytsya, four kilometers away (about 2% 
miles. — Ed.), where the members of the expedition were making 
themselves at home for good. On the way Lytvynets fell to the 
ground, suffering the first heart attack of his life. The Uhlans 
placed him on a wagon that happened to be passing by, drove him 
to Yamnytsya and left him there. Since that day he began to 
suffer with heart troubles until death carried away this faithful 
son of his race, for whom he had worked without payment, spar- 
ing no contributions, true to the only ideal of keeping the village 
within the frame of the race.*) 

The Ukrainian public of the locality and region glorified his 
funeral by an unusual attendance. Three priests officiated at: the 
funeral, and words of true sorrow at the grave were expressed 
ty Rev. Posadsky, the parson of the village, and by Rev. Hlibov- 
ytsky, the actin g parson of the parish of Yezupol. 

"Dilo," March 1, 1931. 

* The above is a good supplement to the letter of Mr. Hoy Lee Ellis, one 
of the Polish propagandists, to American newspapers, in which he said: "Ideal- 
istic intelligentsia they do not possess at all, and all provocateurs of the Ukrain- 
ian movement are not working for ideals, but for their own material gains, being^ 
paid by Moscow and Berlin." (Vide: New York Herald Tribune, October 
26, 1930.) 




(Various Ukrainian societies, associations, and organizations under the 
Polish dominion have always had a hard time of it. But never so as during 
the so-called "pacification" . The summer and autumn of 1930 tvas a 
period of mass dissolution of Ukrainian organizations by the Polish gov- 
ernment practiced on a large, unprecedented scale. The sum total of those 
organizations dissolved is not known yet, but it surely runs into hundreds. 
If such a wholesale destruction of the organized life of the Ukrainian race 
has not received the attention it merits is due only to the fact that alongside 
the wholesale flogging of Ukrainian people all other matters have paled. 

To give the reader some idea of these activities of the Polish govern- 
ment, directed at the destruction of all the organized Ukrainian life in 
education, cooperation, and sport, this fragmentary chapter is inserted. — Ed.) 



"The Manchester Guardian Weekly," of October 17, 1930, 
wrote : 

"The 'pacification' of the Ukraine by means of these 'punitive expeditions' 
is probably the most destructive onslaught yet made on any of the national 
minorities and the worst violation of a minorities treaty. Indeed, it is a whole 
civilizaticm, and a very high one, that has been wrecked within the last three 
weeks. The co-operatives, schools, libraries and institutes have been built up 
in years of work, sacrifice, and enthusiasm by the Ukrainians, almost entirely 
out of their own resources and in the face of immense difficulties. They feel 
the loss of these things almost as much as their inhuman physical sufferings." 

"The Times," London, December 12, 1930, wrote : 

"It must be made plain that the object of the recent repressions, whatever 
their faults, was not the destruction of Ukrainian culture." 


Mass searches and arrests were carried out in the city and the 
district of Drohobych on September 27. The work of the police 
started early in the morning and embraced the Ukrainian Na- 
tional Home, the Ukrainian Gymnasium and the Monastery of St. 
Basil's Ss. in Drohobych. They searched for ammunition, explo- 
sives and revolutionary literature. They found in all a bottle of 
denatured alcohol and a revolver in the possession of the night 


guard of the Ukrainian National Home, and in the Gymnasium- 
a dozen of commands of Boy Scouts and and appeals and a great 
number of legal Boy-Scout newspapers. Similar searches were- 
carried out in the towns of Tustanovychi and Boryslav, with simi- 
lar results. 

On the basis of these searches there were arrested, among 
others, Mr. Volodymyr Kuzmovych, the director (principal) of the 
Ukrainian Gymnasium; Mr. Bayrak and Ivanenko, its teachers; 
deputy Antony Maksymovych; eng. Ostap Levytsky; eng. Ozar- 
kevych, of Boryslav; Dr. Nicholas Terletsky, physician of Tustano- 
vychi, and many pupils (of the Gymnasium). The arrested number 
46 persons. 

Immediately following these events there appeared in the 
streets of the town extra editions of the local Polish "press," noti- 
fying the readers that a great amount of explosives and ammuni- 
tion had been discovered by the authorities in the Ukrainian Na- 
tional Home, in the Ukrainian Gymnasium, and the Monastery of 
St. Basil's Sisters ; that a Ukrainian revolution was in preparation 
to be started in the town of Drohobych, and that the center of this 
activity was the Ulcrainian Gymnasium. The Ukrainian people 
stirred by these events called at once a meeting from which a 
delegation was sent to the supreme officer of the district Perem- 
balski. The delegation, headed by Dr. Vytytsky, stated to the 
officer that in the district of Drohobych there was not one act of 
so-called sabotage, and demanded from the officer an explanation 
of the causes of the reprisals. Mr. Porembalski explained that he 
had neither ordered nor caused the searches or arrests. He said 
that the arrests were ordered by the judge of inquiry because the 
Boy Scouts, who did not go to schools, maintained a contact with 
the Ukrainian Military Organization. When the delegation re- 
marked that the absence of all acts of sabotage in the district of 
Drohobych should point to something altogether different, Mr. 
Porembalski failed to answer. He could also quote no charges. 
As to the extra editions of the newspapers with invented and pro- 
vocatory informations, Mr. Porembalski promised that he would 
not permit such news to be printed, but in the meantime these 
informations have been circulated by all the papers. 

Not later than the very next morning the local Polish paper 
"Kurjer Podkarpacia" appeared with a full reprint of all the in- 
ventions and with supplementary information that the Ukrainian 
Gymnasium had been closed by the Polish government, AL- 


Mr. Porembalski, on being notified about this, promised to dispatch 
an official denial of all these reports to the Polish Telegraphic 

All those who had been arrested were chained and taken to 
the inquisitory prison at Sambir, on September 27, at night. A 
numerous Ukrainian public gathered at the railroad station to 
see off the departing prisoners ; they hoped that the matters would 
be cleared up soon and they would return soon to freedom. 

"Dilo," Lviv, October 1, 1930. 

(Is there anything unnatural in the expectation of the Ukrainian so- 
cieties that all the stories of horrid sensationalism published by the Polish 
press be at least stripped of the appearance of being official stories, by an 
appropriate dementi of the government? 

The dementi which the "Dilo" alleges to have been promised was not 
published.— Ed.) , ,, ; , ;>ir^i^.. 



': ' ' (a)- ;:„. , ' ■ • 

The Ministry of Religious Denominations and Public Education. 

Warsaw, November 27, 1930, No. II 24571/30. 

To the Gymnasium of the Ukrainian Pedagogic Society in Droho- 
bych — ^Annulment of the rights and Dissolution. 

To the Curator of the School District of Lviv. 

1. According to Section 7, of the decree of May 1, 1929, No. 
II. — 2875/29 on granting private middle schools of general educa- 
tion and teachers' colleges the rights of state schools (The Offi- 
cial Daily of the Min. of Relig. Denom. and Publ. Educ. No. 6, 
poz 75) I withdraw from the coeducational gymnasium of Ivan 
Franko of the Ukrainian Pedagogic Society at Drohobych the 
rights of state gymnasiums which were granted to the school by 
the decree of June 5, 1930, No. 11—11272/30, because that school 
does not fulfill the conditions of Sect. 4., b. of the quoted decree, 
especially does not educate the youth , in the clearly state spirit 
and does not develop in them a respect for the state authorities, 
and its decrees. 

ri. According to Sect. 13, of the preliminary law of June 27, 
1850 (The Daily of State Laws, No. 308) I order the gymnasium 


above named closed because this educational institution has as- 
sumed the character harmful in moral and political respect. 

The youth of that school, frequenting the grades I to III, 
inclusively, may be accepted to higher state and private schools 
without re&pect in what language the education is conducted in 
them. That part 'of the pupils frequenting to the grades IV to 
VIII, inclusively, who did not take part in anti-state activities, 
may be admitted only to those higher, schools with the Polish 
language of education and situated outside of the town of Dro- 

Appropriate ordinances in this matter will be published by the 
Curator within his proper sphere of activities, of which he will 
notify the Ministry. 

(Signed) Minister Czerwinski. 

. <*') 

Curatorium of the School District of Lviv, 
Lviv, November 31, 1930. No. 850/30. 

MATTER: Annulment of the rights and dissolution of the pri- 
vate gymnasium of the Ukrainian Pedagogic Society at Droho- 

To Mr. Michael Kiernicki, the preliminary principle of the. private 
gymnasium of The U. P. S. in Drohobych. : . // 

I am bringing herewith to your knowledge the copy of the 
letter of the Minister of Religious Denominations and Public 
Education in Warsaw, November 27, 1930, No. 11—24571/30. 

In connection with the enclosed order of the Minister of Re- 
ligious Denominations and Public Education I summon you to 
carry out strictly at once the following commands : 

1. On Monday, November 3, 1930, before the classes are 
started, all the school activities should be suspended, and the 
pupils and their parents should be informed thereof by posting, 
before 8 o'clock, on the closed doors of what once was the school, 
the copy of the order of the Minister of Religious Denominations 
and Public Education. 

From that date the access to the rooms designated for the 
use of the school, should be made impossible for the pupils. 

2. The applications of the parents for the admission of their 
children to continue their studies should be directed to the Curator 
of the Lviv School District and should be filed before November 
15. Each application should be accompanied by the birth certifi- 
cate, the last school diploma, and the name of the place in which 
the children would be placed, ^y their parents, according to the 


rules set up by the Minister of Religious Denominations and Pub- 
lic Education. 

3. Official documents of the institution, catalogues, seals, 
blanks of diplomas, journals, acts of entries, examinations as well 
as the acts of the office referring to the teachers and pupils, should 
be handed over before November 3, to Mr. Jan Matlachowski, the 
director of the state gymnasium at Drohobych, and the receipt 
of this should be obtained. 

One exhibit. 

Curator of the School District, signed, Ig. Pytlakowski. 

Curatorium of the School District of Lviv. 

Lviv, November 31, 1930. 

No. O— 850/30. 

Annulment of the rights and dissolution of the private gymnasium 
of the Ukrainian Pedagogic Society in Drohobych. 

To the Directors of the Branch of the Ukrainian Pedagogic So- 
ciety "Ridna Shkola" in Drohobych. 

I am transmitting to your knowledge the copies of a letter 
by the Minister of Religious Denominations and Public Education 
in Warsaw, dated November 27, 1930, No. 11—24571/30, and the 
local ordinances. 

Curator of the School District, (signed) Ig. Pytlakowski. 
("Dilo," Ukrainian daily, Lviv, November 6, 1930.) 
{The above documents were published by the "Dilo" in Polish, the 
original language of the decrees. — Ed. ) 




The branch of the "Ridna Shkola" at Drohobych considers it 
their duty to notify the Ukrainian public as follows : 

1. For the last five years (which is since the time the Gym- 
nasium of the "Ridna Shkola" in Drohobych received the so-called 
PILS, charged with a bomb attempt in Boryslav. One of them 
was already released, and as to the other, the previous charge 


against him was changed, in the indictment, to another. Among 
the 31 persons arrested on September 26, 1930, under the charge 
of treason, there were two members of the teachers' staff (the 
principal and a teacher) and two pupils. All of them were re- 
leased. We state that out of that number of 31, 30 (thirty) have 
already left the prison. There remains imprisoned only one per- 
son, an ex-deputy (to the Polish seym) charged for his parliamen- 
tary activity, which has nothing to do with the Gymnasium. 

DISSOLUTION OF THE GYMNASIUM. Perhaps, the cause was 
found in the charges against the teachers and pupils arrested on 
September 26, 1930. We confirm according to the truth, that the 
administration of education has so far conducted no disciplinary 
investigatio n and has given neither the arrested principal nor the 
arrested teacher any opportunity to clear themselves of the charges 
preferred against them, so that THE DECISION OF THE DISSO- 

3. As to the arrests of September 26, 1930, which preceded 
the dissolution of the Gymnasium, the Polish press and the Polish 
radio station spread the news which we herewith correct: it is not 
true that two ILLEGAL organs, namely, the "Vatra" and the 
"Promin," were published in the Gymnasium ; it is true, on the 
other hand, that both the "Vatra" and the "Promin" were pub- 
lished WITH THE PERMISSION of the Educational Council and 
had the character of the so-called pupil organs, the publication of 
which was regulated by a decree of the Ministry of Education 
dated October 17, 1927. N. O. Prez. 6314/27. It is not true that 
the said publications were circulated outside of the Gymnasium ; 
they were circulated only among the pupils. It is not true that 
these publications had for their purpose to spread hatred of the 
State ; their purpose was proclaimed in the first issue of the 
""Promin" (The Ray) in the following manner : "With the assist- 
ance of collaborators from among pupils, to give articles of liter- 
ary-scientific contents for the purpose of increasing the knowl- 
edge of those mates who have no opportunity to work in every 
-direction." It is not true that the publications were printed secretly 
by means of two cyclo-styles ; it is true that both were printed 
■openly, that the names of the members of the editorial staff were 
:given in every issue, and that the cyclo-styles were the property 
•of the Gymnasium, and were entered into the proper books. It 


is not true that 38 pupils and teachers of the Gymnasium were 
arrested; there were arrested only two pupils and a teacher and 
a director. It is not true that the Gymnasium was the center of 
a rebellion, but it, is true that the Gymnasium was a center of 
serious education. It is not true that the leaders of the Gymna- 
sium "Plast" (Boy Scouts) among other things "urged the mem- 
bers to oppose actively the State authorities, organized collecting 
funds for illegal purposes, maintained a live contact with the 
center of the Ukrainian Military Organization, with the center in 
Germany*" It is true that the leaders of the Gymnasium "Plast" 
(Boy Scouts) developed the Gymnasium scouting in accordance 
with the principles of international scouting, that they organized 
no illegal fund collections, but kept books of all their receipts and 
expenditures, and that they maintained no connection with the 
Ukrainian Military Organization, the center of which is unknown. 
Finally, it is not true that Volodymyr Kuzmovych, the principal 
of the Gymnasium, was one of the leaders of the "subversive" 
activities of the territory of the Drohobych district; Princ. Kuz- 
movych was one of the leaders in educating the youth of higher 
schools, and his "subversive activity" is known neither to him 
nor to any citizens of Drohobych. 

4. The Branch of the "Ridna Shkola" confirms with a great 
astonishment that the Ministry of Education, while dissolving the 
Gymnasium, raised not only unwarranted political objections, but 
also charges of moral character. That the Gymnasium stood very 
high in ethical respect is admitted even by Poles. The teachers' 
staff worked for the pupils with full self-sacrifice and with under- 
standing of their task, attained evident success in education and 
instruction of the pupils, a fact which was attested by all the 
official inspectors without exception. The management of the 
Gymnasium rested in the hands of Mr. V. Kuzmovych, well-known 
pedagogian and educational worker, whose work was also recog- 
nized by all the official inspectors as very promising and promi- 
nent. The dissolution of the Gymnasium destroyed a hard work 
of twenty years, it put a stop to efforts which were the pride of 
the entire Ukrainian public of the district of Drohobych, which 
cost them about half a million zlotys, spent in erecting for the 
school a splendid building, completed only a few months ago. The 
dissolution deprived hundreds of pupils of the possibility to con- 
tinue their education and threw the families of all the teachers 
into destitute misery. 

On behalf of the directors of the Branch of the "Ridna Shkola" 
in Drohobych : Dr. Patslavsky, president ; A. Skybinsky, secretarv. 
"Dilo," Lviv, November 11, 1930. 




In the matter of the Ukrainian gymnasium of Drohobych (dis- 
solved hy the PoHsh government) we received the following cor- 
respondence from Sambir: 

On March 17, 1930, about 8:45 o'clock in the evening, during 
a Polish festival, a hand grenade of Polish manufacture was thrown 
into the building of the Polish society "Sokol" in Boryslav. The 
grenade failed to explode. The perpetrators were not caught, but, 
as the acts of criminal inquiry attest, the police "came, on the 
basis of confidential informations, to the conclusion" that the out- 
rage could not have been committed by anybody else than two 
local pupils of the Ukrainian gymnasium in Drohobych, namely: 
Nicholas Seniv and Andrushko, and Michael Hnativ, a working- 
man. Although there was not the slightest proof of their guilt, 
investigation was dragged for some reason for fully five months 
and only then they released Andrushko, the pupil, and Michael 
Hnativ, the workingman, all the investigation against them hav- 
ing been discontinued on account of an absolute absence of evi- 

In view of the fact that three young innocent men had been 
detained for a long time and in view of the testimony of two wit- 
nesses testifying that they recognized the third one, the public 
prosecutor prepared an indictment act against Nicholas Seniv, the 
pupil, in which he was charged that he "neglected to report to the 
authorities that the unknown perpetrator had thrown a grenade, 
although he knew and could report about it in time about the 
intention without jeopardizing himself" and that by this omission 
he committed the crime of Section 9 of the law on explosives, 
of May 27, 1885. Even a person who has no legal education must 
be struck by this strange logic and legal construction of the indict- 
ment act, which asserted that Seniv had known that some unknown 
individual was to place a hand-grenade. 

On the basis of this indictment act a trial was constituted 
before the tribunal of the Polish district court (in Sambir) on 
November 28, 1930. To be sure, two witnesses were found, both 
confidents of the police, who swore that they had seen Seniv stand 
at 8:45 at the porch of the "Sokol" at Boryslav, where the "acad- 
emy" was held. Seniv, however, succeeded in giving a perfect 
"alibi" by a long series of witnesses, who testified on oath that on 
that evening, since 7:45 till 11 o'clock in the evening, he had been 
-visiting, with another person, a reading room of "Prosvita" at 


Boryslav, some six kilometers away, and that there he had been 
seen by a great number of witnesses. He had never left the read- 
ing room. That is why the tribunal, after a remarkable speech 
by his defense. Dr. Ivan Rogutsky, lawyer of Sambir, acquitted 

It is noteworthy that this is the only case in the history of the 
Ukrainian Gymnasium at Drohobych that two pupils of the school 
were involved in an investigation charged with "sabotage." The 
trial just completed proved fully the innocence of the two pupils 
and falsehood of all the charges raised against them. But in spite 
of this Nicholas Seniv, though innocent, was in jail for six months 
and four days. 

The evidence of his innocence was so clear that the public 
prosecutor failed even to appeal from the acquitting sentence. 

The branch of the "Ridna Shkola" at Drohobych will file with 
the Curator of Schools at Lviv the minutes of the proceedings of 
the said trial and will demand the reopening of the inquiry as to 
the dissolution of the Ukrainian Gymnasium at Drohobych. 

"Dilo," Lviv, December 9, 1930. 




On September 25, 1930, the state Gymnasium of Tarnopol, 
which used the Ukrainian language in its education, was dissolved. 
The Gymnasium was organized in 1898 in memory of 50-years 
jubilee of reign of the emperor Francis Joseph I. and it bore under 
the Austrian regime his name. Directly before the war a new 
splendid building was erected for it and the school has developed 
remarkably and came to be the largest Gymnasium in the city of 
Tarnopol, being the only Gymnasium in the territory of the voy- 
vodship of Tarnopol, that used the Ukrainian language of educa- 
tion. In this year it had about 470 pupils. 

The dissolution of the Gymnasium was a surprise. Mr. Pitel, 
the principal of the I. Polish Gymnasium (at Tarnopol) was com- 
missioned to liquidate the Ukrainian Gymnasium. The pupils of 
the three lowest grades of the dissolved Gymnasium were to have 
the right, subject to the permission of the curator, to enter into 
the local (Polish) Gymnasiums, while the pupils of higher grades 
had the right to enter other Polish Gymnasiums in the country, 
with the exception of these Tarnopol and Rohatyn. In reality 
most of the pupils stayed at home as only a mere handful filed 


their petitions to the curator to be admitted to other Gymnasiums 
so that it may be stated that hardly any of the pupils of the dis- 
solved Gymnasium continues his studies. 

The teachers' staff included four Poles, of whom three have 
already received state positions in the Gymnasiums at Rzeszow, 
Berezhany, and Tarnopol, respectively, and one (Mr. Pelczarski) 
is the secretary of the district election commission at Tarnopol. 
Of the Ukrainian teachers Dr. Sonevytsky has been already ousted 
from the State service, the ousting to take effect on February 1, 
1931, w^ithout the benefits of old-age pension; another teacher was 
transferred to Terebovla, while others are awaiting orders . . . 

In the place of the dissolved Ukrainian Gymnasium there was 
already opened in the city of Tarnopol a Polish Gymnasium for 
girls. The registry of pupils to the four lowest grades of the 
Polish Gymnasium has already been ordered and a part of the 
building of the dissolved Ukrainian Gymnasium, including the 
principal's office, the conference hall and the gymnastic hall, has 
been designated for the use of the newly opened Polish Gymna- 
sium ... 

"Dilo," Lviv, October 28, 1930. 



In view of the fact that there appeared in the press various 
reports not true to facts, about the dissolution of the private Gym- 
nasium of the Branch of "Ridna Shkola" in Rohatyn, the directors 
of the Branch of the "Ridna Shkola" in Rohatyn consider it their 
duty to declare the following in the interest of truth : 

1. It is not true that during the last months 36 pupils of the 
Rohatyn Gymnasium were arrested; on the other hand it is true 
that out of the whole number of pupils entered into this school, 
amounted to about three hundred, there were only three pupils 
arrested (by the name of: Semkiv, Tkatchuk, and Hladky), all 
three of them having already been released as free of all the 

2. It is not true that within that time there were arrested 
several members of the teachers' staff; it is true, however, that 
not one of the teachers' staff was arrested. There was arrested 
only the school physician Dr. Vlodymyr Vorobets in connection 



with the organization of Boy-Scouts, of whose guilt the courts 
have not passed yet any final decision. 

3. It is not true that at the occasions of two searches car- 
ried out in the wide building of the "Ukrainska Kasa" in Rohatyn, 
in which the Ukrainian Gymnasium is housed, there were carried 
out four (4) carloads of ammunition, explosives and anti-state 
literature ; it is true, on the other hand, that from that building 
were carried away two small knives, which were used by the 
pupils in bookbinding; three (3) fire-crackers, which were left 
from the last summer school picnic; several copies of legal boy- 
scout literature and a new Polish grenade, which was found by 
the punitive expedition of September 23, 1930, in the wide attic 
of the building housing the Gymnasium where during a very care- 
ful search carried out on September 14, 1930, by the police of 
Rohatyn, nothing had been found, and where the pupils of the 
Gymnasium have had no access. 

4. It is not true that all the threads of the attempted attack 
against the post office truck at Bibrka led to the Gymnasium of 
Rohatyn; it is true that Propokiv, the only student of the Gym- 
nasium of Rohatyn, who was arrested in connection with this at- 
tempt, has already been released with no charge pending against 

On behalf of the Branch of the "Ridna Shkola" in Rohatyn, 
Dr. Semen Hladky, president; Dr. Hr. Drohomyretsky, secretary. 

"Dilo," Lviv, November 6, 1930. 



It is reported that on December 11 and 12, there arrived at 
Warsaw two Ukrainian delegations of parents of pupils of the 
two Ukrainian gymnasiums, namely, that of Drohobych and that 
of Rohatyn, which had been dissolved by the Polish government. 

The Minister of Public Education refused to see the delega- 
tions, but ordered them to be received by Mr. Pieracki, the di- 
rector of intermediary education. 

Both delegations saw also the director of the department of 
racial minorities in the Ministry of the Interior, Mr. Suchenek, 
and the vice-minister O. Zongolowicz, 

The purpose of the delegations was to convince the school au- 
thorities that the reasons of dissolving the two gymnasiums were 
either so ungraspable and general, or so exaggerated and flimsy, 


that a revision is necessary. The delegations demanded an imme- 
diate inquiry and, while they will last, special courses should be 
opened which might make it possible for the pupils to study. 

Unfortunately, the parents of the pupils did not succeed in 
attaining anything. They merely convinced themselves that the 
charges and accusations which were given at the dissolution of 
the gymnasiums were not the only ones. It is a strange phenome- 
non that the highest authorities in education refused to examine the 
defense of the representatives of the parents of more than 600 
children and 25 teachers' families. 

The societies maintaining the schools will again appeal to the 
curator for permission to open the courses, which means they 
will start anew the very efforts which the delegations had in mind 
when starting for Warsaw ... 

"Dilo," December 21, 1930. 

In a letter dated Warsaw, November 25, 1930, the Minister 
of Religious Denominations and Public Education, replies to the 
letter of the "Ridna Shkola" of Rohatyn to re-examine the matter 
of the dissolved Gymnasium of Rohatyn. He refuses to reopen 
the matter since his decree of September 24, 1930, was final. His 
decision could be only sued in the Highest Administrative Tri- 

The document was published in Polish, in the language of the original, 
in the Ukrainian daily "Dilo," Lviv, December 30, 1930. — Ed.) 


Mrs. Milena Rudnytsky, in her address delivered in the Po- 
lish Seym, at Warsaw, during the debate on the budget of the 
Ministry of Education, on January 14, 1931, said: 

"In conclusion I would like to say a few words about the dissolution of 
the State Gymnasium at Tarnopol. Of that Gymnasium profited primarily 
children of peasantry, — this was truly a peasant gymnasium. At the moment 
of its dissolution there were in it 470 pupils, but some time ago their number 
was seven and eight hundred. 

"By the decree of the Minister (of Public Education) the school was dis- 
solved. And again the dissolution was preceded by searches, arrests and pro- 
vocational reports of the Polish press. In their campaign against the Gymna- 
sium took part the pupils of the three Polish gymnasiums at Tarnopol, who 
arranged a mass meeting before the monument of Mickiewicz and passed resolu- 
tions demanding the immediate dissolution of the Ukrainian Gymnasium. (In 
this manner Polish state schools, or those private schools having the rights of 
public schools, understand the "education of their pupils for peace cohabitation 
of all the citizens of the state"). The teachers and pupils were called 'sabot- 


agists.' One of the teachers, Ivan Halushchynsky, and not a few pupils were 
arrested, but the teacher and most of the arrested pupils have already been 
released and their prosecution discontinued. Three pupils are still under arrest 
under the suspicion of participation in sabotage. No court trial was held as 
yet and nobody's guilt was proved. But should such a fact even happen, that 
three pupils of the school should be involved in the sabotage, would this be a 
sufficient reason to punish for the fault of three individuals several hundred 
boys and several score of teachers? In the place of the dissolved Ukrainian 
Gymnasium the Polish government has created a Polish State Gymnasium for 
girls, handing them over the building of the liquidated Ukrainian school. As 
a result of this there exist at present at Tarnopol four Polish State gymnasiums, 
and on the territory of the voyvodship of Tarnopol eight more Polish State 
Gymnasiums (at Berezhany, Brody, Buchach, Zbarazh, Zolochiv, Kaminka, Tere- 
bovla and Chortkiv), in all 12 schools; besides them there are in that voyvodship 
four Polish State colleges for teachers (Berezhany, Zalishchyky, Chortkiv, and 
Tarnopol) and one Polish State industrial school at Tarnopol, — total of 17 Polish 
State higher schools. On the other hand, IN THE ENTIRE LARGE TER- 
HIGHER STATE SCHOOL. (Italics are mine.— Ed.) 

"You will surely ask, gentlemen, what has been done by those Ukrainian 
youths, numbering upward of half a thousand persons, who were deprived by 
the dissolution of the three Ukrainian gymnasiums of the possibility to con- 
tinue their studies. 

"Well, as to those youths, the Minister of Education has issued a decree 
by which the pupils of the three lower grades may enter any of the POLISH 
Gymnasiums, while the pupils of the grades IVth to Vlllth may be admitted 
only by special permission of the curator of the Lviv School District and 
only to Polish schools and only outside of Tarnopol, Rohatyn, and Drohobych. 
I think that such a decree which prohibits Ukrainian fathers to educate their 
children in Ukrainian schools is contrary to the Constitution and to the Racial 
Minorities Treaty, especially to the Sections of 109, and 110, of the Constitu- 
tion. By what right can the Minister prohibit thousands of Ukrainian children 
to continue their studies in their mother tongue, in the existing Ukrainian, 
state and private. Gymnasiums? About the selection of the school for children 
fathers should decide, and not the school authorities, the more so in the case 
of those pupils against whom there is not a shadow of suspicion. Besides, the 
decree of the Minister of Education not only has deprived thousands of pupils 
of the chance to study in the schools of their mother tongue but it is also 
equivalent to taking from those children altogether all the chance of study- 
ing, since in the schools named by me the pupils were mostly sons and daugh- 
ters of less prosperous inhabitants of neighboring localities, whose means do 
not permit them to send their children to study at distant schools." 

"Does the Minister of Education realize the consequences of his decrees? 
Depriving thousands of Ukrainian youths of all the possibility to continue 
their studies — isn't this the best method to revolutionize these youths? Did 
t'ne Minister of Education wish to attain such results, did he wish to furnish 
the Ukrainian Military Organization with new converts? Let us just think 
for a few moments : Hundreds of boys in their teens, cut off from school, 
from books, condemned to compulsory leisure, convinced of the wrong done to 
them — isn't this tlie best material for revolutionarists?" 




■ A trial of three students of the Ukrainian State Gymnasium at 
Tarnopol was held on February the 7th and the 8th before the 
tribunal and the jury of the court at Tarnopol. The accused, 
Basil Sosnovsky, 18 years old, student of the Vth grade of the 
gymnasium ; Basil Solonynka, 18 years, student of Vllth grade ; 
and Bohdan Melnyk, 18 years, student of Vllth grade, are all sons 
of peasantry, lived in Kurivtsi, district of Tarnopol. The indict- 
ment charged that the three had set on fire, on September 16, 
three stacks of grain in the village of Kurivtsi, valued at 16,750 
zlotys, owned by the landlord Victor Jurystowski. Besides this, 
the indictment charged Sosnovsky alone with burning down a 
stack of grain in Kurivtsi on September 1, 1931, to the detriment 
of the same landlord. 

The three students had been arrested by the State police on 
September 18, 1930, and they had been examined at the post of the 
State police at Velyky Hlubichok, where they had been forced by 
beatings, — as it was proved by sworn testimonies of many wit- 
nesses at the trial, — to admit that they had committed arsons. 
This was the case which was one of the chief bases of the disso- 
lution of the Ukrainian State Gymnasium in Tarnopol on Septem- 
ber 25, 1930. It was said that the Gymnasium brings out self- 
confessed firebrands, whose guilt was thus proven. 

As a matter of fact, the accused were perfectly innocent and 
had nothing to do with the arsons, as this was proved so much 
beyond all doubts at the trial that the jury, — all of them peasants, 
and in their majority Polish colonists, — denied the questions as 
to their guilt, and the tribunal passed a verdict of acquittal and 
at once released the accused lads . , . 

It remains now to be seen what conclusions would be drawn 
from this trial by the political administration of the State and the 
■school authorities, and whether the Gymnasium, which was dis- 
solved on the basis of the above named arsons, will be reopened, 

"Dilo," February 12, 1931. 

{The report is significant as an attempt of the Polish government to 
prove its charges against Ukrainian schools. 

For months the Polish government has been talking of higher Ukrain- 
ian schools as breeding places of sabotage. The Polish press wrote and 
expatiated upon the charge. The Minister of the Interior spoke of it to 


the representatives of foreign press. Polish propaganda bureaus spread the 
charge abroad. The Polish government wrote of it to the League of Na- 
tions, in its reply to various protests against closing of the schools. The 
Polish government simply had to come out with evidence. It decided to 
have at least one conviction, though hundreds would be needed to any un- 
biased person to prove that the "subversive" spirit was so general in those 
schools as to justify their dissolution. 

It was an easy matter for the Polish government to get a conviction. 
The panel is drawn by Polish administrative officials, the jury box can 
be easily packed with a majority of Poles, even most rabid Ukrainophobes, 
for instance, Polish colonists in Ukraine. 

But still the regular courts proceedings are such as to make the task 
rather difficult. Even in Polish courts arguments are presented by two 
sides, evidence is offered and refuted, the judge quotes the law and inter- 
prets it, and sifts the evidence presented. It is clear that even with the 
tribunal and the jury fixed the prosecution cannot always be sure of con- 
viction, that evidence presented may be so flimsy that it may fail to con- 
vince even the friends of persecution. 

The Poles help themselves in such cases by the atmosphere of the 
court. All trials against Ukrainians in which inter-racial relations are directly 
involved, indirectly those relations are involved in every case where one party 
speaks Ukrainian, and the other Polish, — are held in a tense atmosphere. 
If the case is of any prominence, Polish newspapers have been writing about 
it for weeks and months in advance, circulating wildest rumors about the 
defendants, branding them as proved criminals even before the day of their 
trial was set. Neither judges nor jury harbor any doubts as to the defend- 
ant's guilt. In such an atmosphere any convicting verdict or sentence is 
sure of the applause of the appreciative public. 

The trials, however, have another danger for the Polish administration. 
If the Polish public opinion is not very particular how the conviction ivas 
attained, the minutes of the proceedings may be reported in the papers. 
The Polish censor, of course, may help against the Ukrainian press. But 
his power ends at the Polish frontier. What if the proceedings will be 
given in foreign press? What if the proceedings will be given to the public 
of some foreign country, and that public has a sense of justice more keenly 
developed and is ready to act when it sees justice grossly violated? The 
Polish courts have been known to squirm under foreign protests, and many 
a. Polish tribunal has made a complete volte-face and set free men con- 
demned in the courts of all instances. That is why the Polish government 
has to select for a persecution in courts only the cases in which it is almost 
sure of conviction. 

What interpretation then should be placed noiv upon the fact that the 
Polish government has failed to present those hundreds of cases of sub- 


versive activities by the pupils of higher Ukrainian schools, of which it has 
boasted? What conclusion is to be drawn from the fact that it has pre- 
sented to the courts only a few cases, and in each of them failed to convince 
even its own courts? Shall the foreign public opinion take the charges of 
Polish propaganda as proved when the Polish administration cannot prove 
even one case to the satisfaction of its own courts? 

What is the meaning of that wide Polish propaganda, of the feverish 
activities of consuls, ambassadors, newspapermen, chambers of commerce? 
To make up by repetition for ivhat the charges lack in the inward power 
to convince? 

There is still another practical side of the trial to be considered. The 
decision of the court is an acquittal. It seems as if justice have been done 
to the Ukrainian students. Has it been done in fact? To be sure, they 
will be released where they might have been detained. But the loss of 
personal freedom is not the only punishment they had been subjected to. 
They had been driven from the school and deprived of opportunity to con- 
tinue their studies. Will the Polish government remunerate them for these 
losses? Nothing of the kind. Will the Polish government give them a 
chance to come back to their school. No. Their school was dissolved on 
the charge that all its pupils are like those who were arrested and put on 
trial. Now that the arrests were proved to be false and the charges exposed 
as unwarranted, the Polish government persists in its refusal to reopen the 
school. The Polish court may acquit now that the Ukrainians have already 
been punished, — by the administration, by means of a summary proceed- 
ing, in which an administrative officer arrested, charged, tried, and con- 
victed, without witnesses, lawyers, and public, in which he served as an 
accuser and advocate, as jury and judge, and his own executioner. Thus, in 
spite of the acquittal, the Polish oppressor still carries the day. 

And with these defendants were punished hundreds of otiher youths 
against whom not even such flimsy charges could be proffered. 

And all this is advertised as a method of pacification of a race, restless 
without cause. — Ed.) 



We are notified from the city of Stanyslaviv: 

On Monday, September 23, while classes were held in the 
7-grades public school of the "Ridna Shkola" of Markian Shash- 
kevych, a great number of police headed by a commissar entered 
the school and ordered the management of the school to release 
all the children since "the school is dissolved." After the children 


were released, the police searched all the rooms and the office of 
the school, took all the school documents and several maps, and 
then sealed the door of the school. 

The school of Markian Shashkevych has existed already 20 
years, and in this year it was frequented by 270 children. 

The sealing of the building makes it impossible to carry on 
the instruction in the supplementary vocational school of the 
"Ridna Shkola" in Stanyslaviv, which held its classes in the same 

"Dilo," September 25, 1930. 

{This is a sample of administrative proceedings against a school. The 
Polish government does not specify its reasons for this act. Nor does it 
care that by "sealing" the building, which is equivalent to padlocking, the 
government closes another school ivhich holds its classes in the same build- 
ing. If the government had to apply to the court for permission to close 
a school, it could never get away so easily, it would have to cite concrete 
illegal acts, specific persons, places, and so on. Here, the charge, if made 
at all, is made so general, broad, irrelevant and evasive that no defense is 
possible. The books and other documents of the school are seized to be 
examined by the government in hope that perhaps they might furnish some 
incriminating evidence to justify the dissolution of the school already ac- 
complished. Should the school even succeed in bringing the matter to the 
court and prove the charges against it false, still, after such a raid, it would 
have a great difficulty in reorganizing its scattered pupils, and still greater 
difficulties in obtaining permission from the government to reopen. — Ed.) 




We received from the town of Horodenka the following docu- 

The Supreme Officer of the district of Horodenka, No. III. 5/5/31. 
Horodenka, January 13, 1931. 

To the directors of the Reading-Room of the "Prosvita" in Horo- 
denka (Kotykivka), in care of pres. P. D. Romanyuk. 

By a decree, dated January 7, 1931, No. B. B. 3018/Ho., the 
Voyvoda of Stanyslaviv has decided, according to the Sections 


24 and 25 of the Statute of November 15, 1868, as quoted in the 
Official Publication of the Austrian Laws, No. 134, to dissolve the 
society "Reading-Room of Trosvita' " in the tov^n of Horodenka, 
in the district of Horodenka, the by-laws of which had been af- 
firmed by the decree of the (Austrian) Governor (of Galicia^Ed.) 
No. 91073/907, because the said society oversteps the sphere of its 
activities as fixed by the said by-laws. 

In particular it has been ascertained that the said society en- 
gages in political anti-State activities, the proof of which are two 
stubs of contribution booklets for the benefit of the "Boyovy 
Fond" ("The Struggle Fund"), which were found during a search 
in the home office of the Reading-Room. This material proves 
that the society takes part in subversive activity, since the pur- 
pose of the funds acquired from the sale of such booklets is to 
support the activities of the subversive organization by the name 
of the Ukrainian Military Organization . . . 

The Supreme officers of the district, 

(signed) HUEBNER, M. P. 

"Dilo," the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, January 30, 1931. 

{The Polish censor has deleted a dozen lines of the edito/s comtnent 
on the above decree. 

The document was published by the "Dilo" in Polish, the official lan- 
guage of the dissolving order. 

The decree is a sample of the procedure of Polish administrative 
authorities iti the dissolution of local societies. It is valuable for its attempt 
to give concrete reasons for the dissolution, thus giving the reader data to 
fudge for himself what reasons are sufficient for a Polish official to dissolve 
a Ukrainian local cultural center. 

The supreme officer of the district thinks [that the society's subversive 
activity has been ascertained by the police finding in the rooms of the 
society stubs of collection booklets for the benefit of the "Boyovy Fond". 

That the "Boyovy Fond" does not necessarily mean a revolutionary 
or subversive fond is evident. The connection between the collections for 
that "fund" and the Ukrainian Military Organization should be proved 
first and not taken merely stated for being proved. 

Should such connection be proved, should really all the money collected 
by such booklets be turned over to the Ukrainian Military Organization, still 
the discovery of the stubs of such booklets is no proof that the members 
of the Reading-Room bad collected the money by means of those booklets. 
The stubs might have been left there by some one else than the members. 
They might have been planted. 


// does not appear how the search was made at which the stubs are 
supposed to have been found. Was there any officer of the Reading-Room 
present, or were all the people driven out of the room or house, the police 
alone remaijiing free to do whatever they pleased (as is usually the case in 
Poland) ? 

Should even some members collect contributions to the "Struggle Fund" 
and should its real designation be the support of the Ukrainian Military^, 
Organization, should the society he responsible for what was not done by the 
society in its corporate character? Why then do civilized countries refuse 
to recogyiize the principle of the corporate responsibility of societies for the 
acts of their members? If this principle, though not accepted by civilized 
countries, still is the law in Poland, then every Polish organization should 
be blamed for criminal acts of its members. Where to stop in drawing the 
logical conclusions of the principle? 

And then if really the "Struggle Fund" goes to the Ukrainian revolu- 
tionary organization, if really Ukrainian village societies collect money for 
its support, then on what ground does the Polish government claim that 
the Ukrainian revolutionary organization is financed by foreign govern- 
ments? — Fd.) 




I. The Supreme Officers of the Ukrainian National Society 
for the Protection of Children and Youth brings to the notice 
of the public the order of dissolution of the Ukrainian Boy-Scouts 
Organization, which reads as follows : 

"The Supreme Officer of the City District of Lviv, No. St. 1368/16. Lviv, 
on September 26, 1930. 

"To the Ukrainian National Society for the Protection of Children and 
Youth. In the matter of the Liquidation of the branches, institutes, enterprises, 
etc. of the 'Plast' (Boy-Scouts). To the Supreme Officers of the Ukrainian 
National Society for the Protection of Children and Youth — in care of Mr. 
Modest Karatnitsky, Lviv, 43 Sykstuska Street. 

"The Supreme Officer of the city district of Lviv orders herewith the 
Supreme Officers of the Ukrainian National Society for the Protection of Chil- 
dren and Youth in Lviv to dissolve forthwith all the existing Branches, Insti- 
tutes, Enterprises, etc. of the "Plast", respectively the "Ukrainian Boy-Scouts 
Organization," and, in pursuance of the sect. 7, of the decree dated April 20, 1854, 


as published in the (Austrian) Diary of the Law, Nr. 96, enjoins them from 
organizing in the future and in any form whatsoever any branches, institutes, 
enterprises, etc. directly or indirectly through their own district or local branches, 
since such an activity has not been foreseen in the by-laws of the Society as 
confirmed by the Lviv Voyvoda's edict of November 1, 1923, No. 18844 pr. 1923, 
and the plan of the change of the by-laws in this direction was rejected by the 
Lviv Voyvoda's edict dated September 18, 1929, No. B.P.134/5, 1929. 

"Moreover it was confirmed that the "Supreme Command of the Boy- 
Scouts", acting illegally as a Section, or Commission of the "Ukrainian Society 
for the Protection of Children and Youth", conduct consciously among the 
school troops of boy-scouts an activity manifestly contrary to the relevent direc- 
tions of the proper school Authorities, by issuing to branches instructions and 
orders, by conducting the lists of the members of the branches, by ordering 
them to send in, and receiving, quarterly and other reports of activities of such 
branches, further, 2, by maintaining an organized connection with the branches 
of "Boy-Scouts" that exist strictly illegally; and finally, 3, by their agreement 
with the activities of individual branches of the "Boy-Scouts" which have a 
manifestly anti-State character. 

"The injunction to develop any sides of the Boy-Scout activities carries with 
itself the enjoinment of wearing by Ruthenian Boy-Scouts of uniforms and 
Boy-Scouts insignias. 

"The Officers are ordered also to liquidate, within 14 days, all the Branches, 
Institutes, Enterprises, etc. of the "Plast" (Boy-Scouts) already in existence 
and to file within that time with the office of the Supreme Officer of the City 
District of Lviv a report of the completed liquidation of the "Plast" (Boy- 
Scouts), and this under the penalty of the dissolution of the "Ukrainian National 
Society for the Protection of Children and Youth" in Lviv and of all its branches. 

"From this order an appeal may be made to the Office of the Voyvoda of 
Lviv, through the Office of the Supreme Officer of the City District of Lviv, 
within 14 days starting from the day following the day of the service of this 
order, — the appeal, however not to have the power of stopping the liquidation. 

"The Supreme Officer of the City District of Lviv. 

(Signed) GALASS." 

"Dilo," October 4, 1930. 

{The document itself was printed by the Ukrai?2ian daily in Polish, 
the document's original language. — Ed.') 

{As to the reaction of the Ukrainian Boy-Scouts to this dissolution, 
vide Chapt. XIII, of this book, entitled: UKRAINIAN BOY-SCOUTS 



Mrs. Milena Rudnytsky, the Ukrainian Deputy to the PoHsh 
seym, on the dissolution of the Ukrainian Boy-Scouts. 

During the debate, in the PoHsh seym, at Warsaw, on the 
budget of the Ministry of Education, the deputy said, on January 
14, 1931 : 

"It has to be noted that until September 26, 1930, the 'Plast', the Ukrainian 
Scouting Organization, was an organization patent and legal, against whose 
activities the authorities did not proceed. It existed as a section of the Ukrain- 
ian National Society for the Protection of Children and Youth. The president 
of this Society was a justice of the (Polish) Court of Appeals, and the Scouting 
Section to the very moment of its dissolution was headed by a teacher of the 
state college for teachers, who is still teaching. The Ukrainian Scouting had 
its own legally published organ and its other legal publications, in which it 
published its orders and gave the reports of its activities. Now this organization, 
fully patent, standing under the open control of the authorities, was the most 
beloved organization of the Ukrainian youth, who — I confirm with the full 
responsibility of a mother, teacher, and public worker, — had upon the youth a 
most beneficial influence and it had to wait for the period of "pacification" to me 
"pacified" — that is, dissolved by the order of the supreme officer of the city 
district of Lviv, on September 26, 1930." 




The trial of 20 members of the Ukrainian Scout-boys Organ- 
ization at the city of Zolochiv, which had been adjourned on 
December 18, 1930, was continued on January 16, 1931. Among 
those accused was also : Rev. M. Khmilovsky, the president of 
the Society for the Protection of Children and Youth, at Zolochiv. 

The indictment charged all the accused with the violation of 
the section 305, of the Criminal Code, i.e. organizing and belonging 
to an illegal and "subversive" society. 

After the evidence had offered that all the accused were mem- 
bers of the branch of the Society for the Protection of Children 
and Youth and as such constituted the scouting section of the 
Society, in accordance with the charter and the by-laws of the 
Society, all the accused were acquitted. 

("Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, January 27, 1931.) 


(7/ the editor of the "Dilo" had permitted himself to publish a false 
report of similar content, the copy would have been probably suppressed 
and the editor brought to trial for some charge. 

The charges of illegal and subversive activities were made against the 
Ukrainian Boy-Scouts from' the Polish side quite often. The correspondent 
of the London Times, writing on December \2, and December 18, 1930, — 
the latter was exactly the date on which the trial at Zolochiv was adjourned, 
— evidently took the Polish charge at its face value. The accusers, how- 
ever, failed later to convince even the Polish court, so manifestly willing to 
be convinced, of the truth of the charges pro^ered. — Ed.) 







Friends Cooperatists ! We live in unusually difficult times. 
After-war misery does not disappear. Quite the contrary, a pro- 
longed economic crisis has been holding us since the autumn of 
the previous year in merciless, more and more tight pincers. An 
intensified competitive struggle for the markets of the world, 
scarcity of cash, the ruin of the purchasing power of the con- 
sumer, superfluous and irregular supply of farming products, which 
is with us still so little adapted to the markets of the world, — 
all this destroys the balance of the world economy, especially in 
such neglected and backward countries as this. This misfortune 
stares already into the windows of our cooperative institutions. 
The village closes itself up into its old narrow shell, avoids pur- 
chases even of the most necessary seeds, machinery, or fertilizers, 
— and in spite of it sinks in usury. 

The common sense of the Ukrainian village, acquired by the 
experiences of centuries, notes that a great misfortune does not 
like to walk alone. And in fact, unusual economic hardships were 
joined by a political misery. For a long time in the past around 


the Ukrainian cooperative movement there have been burning po- 
Htical passions. The development of the Ukrainian cooperation, so 
beautiful if the regrettable political reality be taken into consider- 
ation, has for long given the scare to these or to those anti- 
Ukrainian groups. For a long time we have encountered inimi- 
cal efforts to decry our cooperation as being not an economic, 
but a political organization, and an anti-state one at that. We 
have been set aside long ago from the credits in state banks. It 
is to persecute us that a principle, not heard of or practiced any- 
M^here else in the v^orld, w^as proclaimed from the rostrums of 
the Seym that cooperatives should be not racial but territorial, 
w^hich means that in the place of the Ukrainian cooperation there 
should arise separate cooperative movements for the Podolia, Hut- 
sulschchyna, Volhynia, Polisya . . . For several weeks people un- 
known to our cooperatists are burning stacks on the estates of 
Eastern Galicia and Volhynia. Burning of other people's grain 
_ is surely not the road of our cooperatist work and surely not our 
method of emancipation! Our cooperation builds with the moral 
and material forces of the people its own highway for the general 
good. Our cooperative movement already unites hundreds of 
thousands of members, citizens of various religions and political 
parties, but it has never used bombs or arsons. We have been, 
and we will remain, champions of exclusively Ukrainian coopera- 
tion, which could be a substratum of the cooperative idea. On 
the basis of mutuality, seff-help, solidarity, and political neutrality 
we tread on par with the cooperatists of the entire world. And 
still the blind street rabble instigated against us turns more and 
more strongly also against the Ukrainian cooperative movement. 
It came finally to this that on September 15, at night, a criminal 
hand threw a bomb into the storehouse of the District Union in 
Sokal, — which fortunately failed to explode, — that the cooperative 
of Voyutychi, district of Sokal, was burnt down lately, that in 
many local and district cooperatives the state police conducts 
searches. A Cracow newspaper slandered us that the Ukrainian 
cooperative movement is financed by the underground revolution- 
ary organization, the "UVO" ! 

Taking all this into consideration, and being well aware of the 
inflammation of the country, due to the approaching elections and 
the sabotages, we once again raise our old slogan : Let us keep 
our cooperation far from political strife ! Especially in this period 
of profound economic distress have we to strain all our strength 
in order to protect our past achievements, to strengthen the dam 
protecting our villages against usury in goods and cash, in order 


to safeguard them against further ruin ! United by the great uni- 
versal cooperative idea we guard our institutions against inimical 
elements blinded by wild passions. Let us ascertain if all our 
homes are insured against fire and burglary ! And before all let 
us not be led astray from the calm gravity of our great work. 

(The "Hospodarsko-Kooperatyvny Chasopys" — The Farming- 
Cooperative Gazette, No. 39, Lviv, September 28, 1930.) 

{The periodical is the official organ of the Auditing Union of the 
Ukrainian Cooperatives. 

The appeal was issued by the directors of the Union. It was reprinted 
by several Ukrainian papers, evidently meeting with their approval. 

The appeal adduces facts to prove that the Ukrainian cooperatives have 
become the butt of denunciation of the Polish chauvinistic press and public, 
■ — an aspect of the Ukrainian-Polish relations, which were passed over in 
silence by the London Times correspondent with the result thai the reader 
might think that the Ukrainian cooperatives were not included by the Polish 
government among the organizations screening Ukrainian revolutionists of 
the "UVO" and were not made to suffer during the "pacification." 

The document quotes some data to show in what way the Ukrainian 
cooperatives became victims of the so-called "pacification" by the Polish 
government and the so-called "revanche" by secret armed bands of Polish 

It depicts vividly enough the grave consequences which might ensue for 
the Ukrainian village from the destruction of the Ukrainian cooperative 
movement. The village simply sinks into economic barbarism and becomes 
prey of usury, misery, and exploitation. 

These are the various standpoints from which the campaign of the 
Polish governments against the Ukrainian cooperative movement have to be 
viewed. — P.d. ) 




The editor received the following letter of the supreme officer 
of the district of Rohatyn : 

The Supreme Officer of Rohatyn, 
No. 4209 (RO) 30. 

The Rranch of the "Silsky Hospodar" (The Country Farmer) 
in Rohatyn. 

In the Matter of Permission to hold a Conference. 

Rohatyn, September 11, 1930. 

Oo the Branch of the Nat. Soc. "Silsky Hospodar," in Rohatyn. 

In reply to your application, dated September 11, 1930, for 
the permission to hold a conference on agriculture on September 
13, 1930, at home office of the Branch of the "Prosvita" in Roha- 
tyn, I forbid herewith to hold such a conference, and this in view 
of the fact that a general situation of safety requires this and in 
view of the fact that amidst the sentiments which prevail at 
present the meeting might assume a character dangerous to 
public safety and order. 

Against this order you may appeal through this Supreme 
Officer to the Voyvoda at Stanislaviv within 14 days counting from 
the day following the day of service. 

The Supreme Officer of the district (signed) St. Harmata. 

All commentaries are superfluous. 

{"Novy Chas,''' the Ukrainian triweekly, Lviv, September 26, 1930). 

(The document itself is printed in Polish, the language of the 

The editor of the "Novy Chas" omits all the comments. His 
readers will know that the document is nothing unusual in the 
history of the Polish administration. Such documents various 
Ukrainian societies are receiving all along. Whenever officials 
had no pretext at hand to prohibit a Ukrainian conference, they 
usually kneiu beforehand that the conference ivill threaten public 
peace and order. — Ed.) 





The trial of three members of the "Luh" of Komariv, in- 
dicted for shooting at a policeman, was brought to the conclusion. 
The three were cleared of all guilt and acquitted. 
"Dilo," Lviv, September 26, 1930. 

{The above is the outcome of a trial against the members of the "Luh" , 
Ukrainian voluntary fire-brigades. 

The by-laws of the society call it "Gymnastic Society and Fire-Brigade 
'Luh' ". These by-laws, approved by the decree of Voyvoda of Lviv, No. 
5061, dated March 25, 1925, state in S^ct. 1, that the purposes of the So- 
ciety are: 

"I. HUMANITARIAN: 1. to help during fires; 2. to help during 

"11. CULTURAL: 1. to disseminate enlightenment among its mem- 
bers; 2. to spread interest in gymnastic exercises and sporting games; 3. to 
develop social life." 

Many of these societies were dissolved. The dissolution was 'justified 
by the Polish Minister of the Interior in his note to the League of Nations 
by the fact that in the districts in whi^h the "Luh" had many branches, 
there were many acts of sabotage. 

The trial from which the above report gives the result was an effort of 
the Polish government to prove in the courts its allegations. — Ed.) 




No. 15, of the official daily of the voyvodship of Lviv, Decem- 
ber, 1930, states that the following reading-rooms (branches) of 
the "Prosvita" (Enlightenment) were dissolved by the Polish gov- 
ernment: Rozjaliv; Vilka near Verbytsya; Vynnyky (in the dis- 



trict of Sokal) ; Komarovo (district of Sokal) ; Hrushiv (district 
of Drohobych) ; Dovzhneva (district of Sokal) ; Skole (district of 
Lisko) ; Khoshevychi (district of Rudky) ; Chyzhykiv (district of 
Lviv) ; Vasyliv (district of Rava Ruska) ; Znesinya (district of 
Lviv) ; Zboyiska (district of Lviv) ; Berezka (district of Dob- 
romyl). In all 13 reading-rooms were dissolved in the month of 

At the same time there were dissolved the following athletic 
societies and fire-brigades of the "Luh": in Verbytsya (district of 
Rava Ruska) ; Zamochok (district of Zhovkva) ; Derevnya (district 
of Zhovkva) ; Vilka Verbytska (district of Rava) ; Sulymomiv 
(district of Zhovkva) ; Dytyatychi (district of Mostyska) ; Dro- 
hovychi (district of Bibrka) ; Nynovychi (district of Yaroslav) ; 
Remeniv (district of Lviv) ; Nyzhankovychi (district of Pere- 
myshl) ; Volostkiv (district of Mostyska) ; Hrushatychi (district 
of Peremyshl) ; Yarychiv Stary (district of Lviv). In all 13 
branches of the "Luh" were dissolved. 

The following branches of the "Sokil" were dissolved: in 
Kreviv (district of Zhovkva); Zhovkva; Staryava( district of 
Dobromyl) ; Dorohomyshl (district of Yavoriv) ; Patskovychi (dis- 
trict of Peremyshl) ; Byblo (district of Peremyshl) ; Stavchany 
(district of Horodok) ; Borshchovychi (district of Peremyshl) ; 
Halychanoviv (district of Horodok) ; Storinna (district of Horo- 
dok) ; and Rudavytsya (district of Lviv). In all 11 branches of 
the "Sokil". 

The following number of the Daily of the voyvodship of Lviv 
reports the dissolution of further reading-rooms of the "Prosvita", 
namely of those in the following villages : Senkivtsi (district of 
Rava) ; Chaykivtsi (district of Rudky) ; Hoholiv (district of So- 
kal) ; Khlopyatyn (district of Sokal). In all 4 reading-rooms of 
the "Prosvita". 

There were also dissolved the branch of the "Sokil" in the 
following localities : Karachyniv (district of Horodok) ; Yarychiv 
Novy (district of Lviv) ; Ryshkova Vola (district of Yaroslav) ; 
Zapytiv (district of Lviv) ; Parchach (district of Sokal) ; Tseperiv 
(district of Lviv). In all 6 branches of the "Luh". 

There were also dissolved the branch of the "Sokil" in the 
village of Bridky, in the district of Lviv. 

Thus two issues of the official daily of the voyvodship of Lviv 
announced that within the months of December and January were 
dissolved by the voyvoda of Lviv 17 reading-rooms of the "Pros- 
vita", 19 branches of the "Luh", and 12 branches of the "Sokil". 
This makes a total of 48 Ukrainian cultural and enlightenment 


societies. Should the matters proceed in this matter further, then 
our villages will soon be left without any society whatsoever, and 
only the tavern will reign supreme. 

Our public has to think more seriously over this liquidation 
and over all that it is bringing to our people. 

("Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, February 27, 1931.) 


Lemberg — Starostwo. 

L. St. 2007. Lemberg, October 7th, 1930. 

To the Founders of the Ukrainian Section 

of the International Women's League for Peace and Freedom, 

c/o Mrs. Blanka Baranowa^ 

Tarnopol, ul. Strzala. 

In accordance with the decision of the Voyvoda of Lviv, dated 
September 1930, L. BP 317 (Stow.) 29, this certifies that the 
Ministry of the Interior has dismissed, on the grounds of paragraph 
8 of the law on Societies of November 15, 1867, Dz. U. P. 134, 
the appeal of "the Ukrainian Section of the International Women's 
League of Peace and Freedom" in Lemberg against the decision of 
the Voyvoda of Lviv, dated October 25, 1926, No. B. P., by which 
it was forbidden to organize this Society, on the following 
grounds : 

According to Sect. 4. of the By-Laws of this Society the aim 
of the Society should be the realizing of points mentioned in 
par. 1. of said By-Laws, among which there is a point dealing 
with the right of a nationality to self-determination. 

The aim thus understood is a constant basis for making 
proposals to revise the frontiers of the State on account of some 
parts being inhabited by different nationalities and changes taking 
place in the numbers of these inhabitants. This is equivalent 
to having a constant aim' to undermine the present Status of the 
Polish State and to threaten its integrity. It is therefore of 
danger to the State. 

The appellants quoted the By-Laws, of the legally constituted 
"Polish Women's League of Peace and Freedom" claiming them 
to be identical with their project, but this does not agree with 
the facts as the By-Laws of said Polish organization do not contain 
such a paragraph. 


This decision of the administrative authorities is final, but 
does not exclude the possibility of appealing to the Highest Court 
of Administration, 

{Parallel to the wholesale dissolution of existing Ukrainian 
institutions there ran an equally wholesale obstruction to the 
organization of new ones. The above decree of the Polish 
administration refers to the organization which is known to every 
civilized nation of the world. The Polish government enjoins 
Ukrainian women from organizing a branch in Ukraine. The 
reason given is illuminating: the society, the Polish government 
says, would be dangerous to the wholeness of the Polish State 
might namely advocate the principle of self-determination of 
nationalities, — the same principle by which Poland has gained 
her freedom. If a Ukrainian advocates that principle, he, or she, 
is evidently subversive, disloyal and secessionist. 

This is further illustration of what is considered disloyal on 
the part of a Ukrainian in Poland. — Ed.) 









The following document was sent in to us : 

The supreme officer of the district of Rava Ruska. No. 123/tj. 
Rava Ruska, October 14, 1930. To the communal offices of all 
the villages except the following (28 localities are exempted. — Ed.). 
In further elaboration of my circular dated September 12, 193Q, 
No. 1439/30, in which I ordered the appointment of night guards 
against sabotagists, permanent commandants of these guards 
should be appointed, one commandant and two assistants, in each 
commune). The commandants of these guards should be men 
absolutely certain, well knowing the arms, that is before all ex- 
soldiers, or those who have passed military preparedness courses, 
and their task will be to place the guards in proper places, to 
instruct them and to oversee them. The commandants of 1:hese 
guards should be remunerated by the commune, daily remuneration 


to be equal to the double daily wages of an average farm laborer 
in the particular commune. In proportion as these guards will 
win a recognition the respective communal offices will receive the 
permission to possess arms, the use of which will be the right of 
the commandants of the guards. I remark that THE PEOPLE 
of the night guards should perform their duties both in the day- 
time and in the night-time, a special place should be provided for 
them as a guard post, which should be supplied with light and, in 
case of need, with fuel. This order should be carried out at once, 
and the commandants of the guards and their deputies are to be 
appointed by the commandants of the posts of the State Police. 
The supreme officer of the district, (signed) Skarzynski, m.p. 

("Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, October 30, 1930.) 

The document is printed in Polish, the language of the original. The 
significant part of it was italicized by me. 

The document is interesting for several reasons. 

It shows the extraordinary measures of the Polish government for ths 
alleged purpose of protecting the property against the so-called campaign 
of arson. 

The method described above places the burden of that protection upon 
the Ukrainian people. The people are burdened with an extraordinary duty 
to stand guard at the stacks of hay and grain and the buildings of PoliiJj 
landlords. The duty is irksome as it interferes greatly with their freedom 
of movement and activities. In short it is a conscription of villagers for 
guard duty for Polish lords. 

The financial burden connected with the inspection of these guards is 
placed also upon the same villagers who already carry the conscript work. 
This is a costly burden if the ruin of the Ukrainian peasantry is taken into 

To this is added an insult to the race. The Ukrainians alone are to 
carry the burden, the Poles are to be free from all the cost connected ivith 
the mainteyiance of such guards. That means that the Poles are not to be called 
from their households to serve as guards and that the Poles are not to be 
assessed by the local government to defray the expenses connected with the 
mainteyjance of such guards. The decree evidently starts fro?n the stand- 
point that the Poles are a privileged race and the Ukrainians a subjugated 
race, a reasoning which stands in sharp contrast to the provisions of the 
Polish constitution. What atmosphere is created by such ordinances in 
those villages having a mixed population is self-evident. And how such 
discrimination against the Ukrainians works upon the gendarmes and all 


other petty Polish officials, who are to be the overseers of these guards, 
enjoying special poxver and a double pay, needs no further elaboration. And 
again will this soothe the moral pain at being discriminated against, in the 
first place? 

Finally, these extraordinary administrative preventative measures to pro- 
tect the property of citizens, when they are manifestly of the Polish race 
contras twith the measures of the same government to protect the property 
of citizens, when they are manifestly of the Ukrainian race. — Ed.) 


Warsaw, Oct. 4. — Unrest in East Galicia, characterized by 
sabotage and terrorism attributed to a secret Ukrainian Military- 
Organization, still continues, although there is some evidence that 
the efforts of the Polish Government to appease the country by 
forceful persuasion might meet with success if some sort of 
cooperation against the terrorists could be agreed upon in the 
conversations between Ukrainian leaders and the Polish Govern- 
ment now being held in Warsaw. 

Archbishop Sheptytsky, head of the Greek Catholic Church, 
returned to Lviv this morning with the impression that the gov- 
ernment has resolved to go firmly with its campaign against the 
terrorists, who. Archbishop Sheptytsky admitted in an interview, 
are subsidized by foreign sources. 

The president of the biggest Ukrainian party, the National 
Democrats, M. Levytsky, is continuing the negotiations begun by 
Archbishop Sheptytsky. The Ukrainian leaders have asked the 
government to desist in its reprisals and are ready to assume 
responsibility for their part of the country. 

Meanwhile the news have been received from Lviv that the 
big warehouse of the LTkrainian Cooperative Society, the "Tsen- 
trosoyuz", was blown up yesterday. Several bombs exploded si- 
multaneously in various departments, destroying the building com- 
pletely. Twenty persons were injured. 

Arrests all over the country continue. The Orthodox priest, 
Kunitsky, a former Deputy and confident of Archbishop Sheptyt- 
sky, was arrested today. 

(The New York Times, Sunday, October 5, 1930.) 

{The Very Rev. Kunitsky, evidently, cannot be an Orthodox priest if 

he is to be a confident of the Catholic bishop. He is also an Ukrainian 

Greek-Catholic clergyman. — Ed. ) 




Metropolitan A. Sheptytsky had on Thursday a longer confer- 
ence with Mr. Beck, the vice-premier of the Polish cabinet of 


Mr. Michael Halushchynsky, the president of the "Prosvita" 
and the ex-vice marshall of the Senate of the Polish sejm, con- 
ferred on Thursday, October 2, 1930, w^ith the director of the 
political department of the Ministry of the Interior, Mr. Stami- 

("Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, October 5, 1930.) 


Metropolitan Sheptytsky arrives at Warsaw and SEEKS AN 

We do not know what Archbishop Sheptytsky intends to tell 
them. We do not know whether he has come with the purpose 
OF PACIFICATION. In the first case, it would be difficult to 
call his behavior by any other name than CYNICISM, in the sec- 
ond case his action is BELATED and justly suspected as IN- 

Eight years ago, Mr. Sheptytsky received PERMISSION TO 
CONDITIONS, which consisted, before all, of absolute loyalty to- 
wards the nation, HE FAILED TO KEEP! 

The Greek Catholic metropolitan has tolerated WILDEST 
carried out under the SLOGAN OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL- 
olic Consistory at Lviv, whose prominent representative is, lor 
instance, that prelate Kunitsky, TOOK AN ACTIVE PART IN 
THE CRIMINAL ACTIVITIES, the fruits of which are arsons 
and murders. In the Church of St. George REBEL KNIVES 
SUNG FOR CRIMINALS, and Metropolitan Sheptytsky — kept 


Should not the pulpits have started to speak long ago, at the 
metropolitan's order, and should they not have CONDEMNED 

If then, he comes today to Warsaw and promises to publish 
an appeal, or pacifying pastoral letters, THE POLISH PUBLIC 
OPINION REPLIES TO IT : TOO LATE ! Now that the center 
ERGY OF THE GOVERNMENT, now that the glows of fires 
gradually die out, and the firebrands are awaiting their just pun- 

THORITIES AT WARSAW WILL DO and how they will react 
to the action of Rev. Sheptytsky. 

As far, however, as the widespread opinion of Polish society 
is concerned, that opinion would DECLARE ITSELF ALTO- 
TYTSKY, who knocks at the door, beHeving that his dignified 
robes would cover his errors and his vices. And his vices are so 
serious that the (Polish) SOCIETY REFUSES TO FORGET 
THEM, the more so as they burden a PRIEST, who, after all, 

daily, Cracow, October 3, 1930.) 




Warsaw (by telephone). — For the last two days, as we have 
already written, the Ukrainian metropolitan Sheptytsky has con- 
ducted conferences with the representatives of the Polish govern- 
ment at Warsaw. His interview with the minister Skladkowski, 
who had emphasized that the punitive expedition is merely a 
flower, the fruit of which was yet to come, reflects the position 
taken by the Ukrainian bourgeoisie. Sheptytsky came to plead 
for mercy for the Ukrainian bourgeois party, to win for it the 
guarantee of personal inviolability, of preservation of its coopera- 
tives and of the incomes of the Ukrainian clergy. The fear of 


the Ukrainian bourgeoisie of government reprisals and of the 
developed peasant movement is such that after this classical inter- 
view w^ith Skladkowski, Sheptytsky went so far as to pubHsh a 
loyal interview in the government paper "Ekspres Poranny". 

"From the Ukrainian point of view" — declared Sheptytsky, — ■ 
"a part of guilt for the situation in Western Ukraine falls upon 
the communists who have a direct interest in stirring the Ukrain- 
ian and the Polish races against each other." 

Sheptytsky declared that even UNDO (the Ukrainian National 
Democratic Union) has nothing to do with UWO (the Ukrainian 
Military Organization). 

In the spirit of Sheptytsky's declarations, the Ukrainian con- 
ciliatory parties, like UNDO, the radicals and the Ukrainian social 
democrats, issued a declaration in which they "protest against the 
reprisals",' and declare that the Ukrainian people cannot be made 
responsible for the activities of secret underground organization".. 

The leader of the new Ukrainian government, who came out 
of the ranks of UNDO, Mr. Halushchynsky, arrived in Warsaw 
and was received by the head of the political department of the 
ministry of the Interior, Col. Stamorowski. THUS ALL THE 
DEPARTMENT OF POLICE. (Italics of the original.) 

("ISVESTIA", daily organ of the Union Central Executive 
Committee and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, 
Moscow, Sunday, October 5, 1930.) 



WARSAW (by telephone). — Mr. Stamirowski, the director of 
the political department of the Ministry of the Interior, received 
yesterday Dr. Dmytro Levitsky, ex-deputy and the leader of the 
Ukrainian National-Democratic Union, in the matters connected 
with the situation in Eastern Little Poland. The conference lasted 
for one hour and a half. 

"Wiek Nowy" (The New Age), Lviv, October 5, 1930. 

(^No results were reported from the above conference. Nor could it 
he fruitful if the Polish press reported of this intercession of the Ukrainian 
leader under the above title, putting it together with the report of what 
the newspaper calls alarming publicity given to the Polish terror in Galicia. 

As is well known, Metropolitan Sheptytsky stayed for three 
days in Warsaw. Yesterday at noon the Aletropolitan returned 


by aeroplane to Lemberg, where he landed at the airport of Skny- 
liv, whence he went by automobile to the buildings at St. George's 

"Wiek Nowy" (The New Age), Lviv, October 5, 1930. 





(Under such caption the "Buffalo Evening News," of October 
29, 1930, published a letter by Tadeusz Marynowski, Buffalo con- 
sul of Poland, denying the charge that Ukrainians are cruelly 
treated by the Polish people. The passage quoted below cites 
Metropolitan Sheptytsky as a witness to the good treatment of 
the Ukrainians by the Poles. — Ed.) 

As to the Greek Catholic Archbishop Szeptycki, whose pastoral letter was 
confiscated, it is interesting to state that he now published in the press an open 
letter in which he advises the forming of a new Ukrainian party named Catholic 
Ukrainian association, whose activities should be based upon the defense of 
Catholic and national traditions of loyalty towards Poland. 

This is a proof that the head of the Greek Catholic church in Poland has 
no sympathy with the incendiaries and agitators paid for their terroristic 
activities from abroad. 

In conclusion I wish to state that the unrest in Southeastern Poland is 
undoubtedly fomented in connection with the elections to the Sejm with the 
purpose to create difficulties for the government and to discredit Poland in the 
eyes of the civilized world. 


Metropolitan Andrew Sheptytsky was lately in Warsaw, 
where he had conferences with some prominent officials on the 
well known events in Eastern Galicia. In view of the fact that 
about these conferences there appeared in Polish newspapers vari- 
ous rumors and unconfirmed reports, we considered it our duty 
to seek an authentic version of the news at the very source. 

The Metropolitan gladly received our representative and gave 
him the information sought for. The conversation was as follows : 

"Did Your Excellency go to Warsaw exclusively in the matter of the cur- 
rent events in Eastern Galicia?" 

"I went to Warsaw to take part in the session of the Legal Committee of 
the Bishops on the agrarian reform, which was fixed for that time. I 


utilized this opportunity for conferences with official circles on the well known 
events in Eastern Galicia. I add, however, that if no such session 'had been 
held, I would have gone to Warsaw at any event in order to intervene in the matter 
of these events. I spoke with the Minister of the Interior, General Skladkowski, 
with the vice-premier of the cabinet of Ministers, Mr. Beck, and with the ex- 
premier Colonel Slawek." 

"Could Your Excellency reconstruct the conversation with Minister 
Skladkowski and did the Polish press report the conversation correctly?" 

"The report of my conversation with Minister Skladkowski as published 
by Polish press is not true. To reconstruct this conversation is difficult since 
I spoke on the same topics also with other persons. lAnd even if it were 
possible to reconstruct the conversation in details, still I would not have done 
this for following reason: the semi-official newspapers of Warsaw remarked 
that the conferences of the ministers with me were official secrets, and for 
this reason I would consider it a breach of confidence to publish them in full 

"I will state only generally that the purpose of my conferences was to call 
the attention of the responsible factors to the fact that the so-called pacification 
in practice reduces itself to most glaring mass abuses and violations of law, 
by the police and army detachments, as regard the Ukrainian people and their 
cultural achievements in villages and towns. I emphasized that arsons cannot 
be blamed upon the masses of peaceful population, who have not and cannot 
have with them anything in common. 

"I pointed out that about the middle of July the payments for the grain 
burnt amounted in the voyvodship of Warsaw to 200 per cent of the premiums 
while at the same time the compensations for the arsons of grain in the voy- 
vodship of Lviv did not reach 100 per cent of their premiums. This is one proof 
more to show that in the arsons there was involved also speculation in insurance.* 

"In Eastern Galicia a considerable number of the arsons is to be attributed 
to communists, who are interested in grafting in that territory and deepening 
the so-called class hatred, for which purpose they utilize the racial antagonisms. 
The entire activity of the so-called pacificatory detachments of the police and 
army on the territory of Eastern Galicia brings in its results most benefit to 

"The (Polish) official attitude in the matter of arsons is that the re- 
sponsibility for them should be borne by the Ukrainian people, among them 
also by the clergy, who have not proceeded resolutely against arsons and 

"This, as you see, is an attitude fully different from the one taken by me. 
In my conversations I emphasized that neither the Ukrainian people, in general, 
nor the Greek- Catholic clergy, in particular, could be made responsible for the 
commented-upon acts of unknown conspirators and numerous, as it seems, 

"The Greek-Catholic clergy cannot be made responsible for this the more so 
as they always have been against arsons and sabotages, out of self-understood, 
thoroughly fundamental principles. The Greek-Catholic bishops could publish 

* The voyvodship of Warsaw may be considered the center of the Polish 
ethnographic territory, the voyvodship of Lviv that of the Ukrainian ethnographic 
territory under Poland. — Ed. 


no pastoral letter against arsons as such a letter would be a confirmation of 
the accusation that the Ukrainian people are really responsible for the arsons,, 
which is not true. 

"When now the Ukrainian people are flogged and tortured in great numbers ; 
when from the flogging and maltreatment are not exempted Greek-Catholic 
priests and secular intelligentsia ; when reading-rooms, cooperatives, dairies, and 
private property are destroyed by 'expeditionary detachments ; — then all this 
does not make impossible the acts of firebrands, who surely are not to be found 
among the innocent victims of the pacification. 

"All the officials with whom I conferred, told me that the pacificatory 
detachment had for their purpose to make searches and to catch firebrands ; if 
they committed any excesses, they were to be called to account for that. The 
government, I was told, had no intention to destroy the Ukrainians, to combat 
Ukrainian national culture and to undermine Ukrainian cultural achievements. 
They emphasized in their talks with me that their only purpose is to insure 
peace and order in Eastern Galicia." 

"And what was Your Excellency's general impressioffi from these talks?" 

"The general impression was rather good since I was told that excesses 

would be stopped and it was emphasized that the expeditions are only a method 

of stopping arsons, and not a method to^ destroy the Ukrainians or to combat 

the Ukrainian culture or the cultural achievements of the Ukrainian people. 

"Has Your Excellency seen Mr. Czerwinski, the Minister of Education?" 
"No, I have not talked at all with the Minister of Education." 
We took this opportunity to learn that the MetropoHtan will 
start on Monday by an aeroplane for Warsaw to take part in an 
international congress for combating white-slavery, the MetropoH- 
tan being one of the honorary members of the presidium of the 
said congress. 

("Dilo", Ukrainian daily, Lviv, Tuesday, October 7, 1930.) 










(Special correspondence to the Polish Morning World.) 

New York, October 17. — In connection with the attack on 
Poland inspired by Metropolitan Szeptyski we call attention to 


his declaration published in the Polish Morning World on Octo- 
ber 4. 

"The responsibility for the sabotages and incendiariam in Little Poland 
falls upon communists who are directly interested in the inflammation of the 
relations between the Polish and the Ruthenian people." 

It will be pertinent to call attention also to the statement of 
Mr. Skladkowski, the Polish Minister of Internal Affairs, in his 
interview with the Metropolitan. 

"I must state that the Greek-Catholic clergy do not contribute to the 
pacification of the minds. The clergy could gauge the moral side of incendiarism, 
but they failed." 

Eight years ago the Archbishop Szeptycki received the per- 
mission to return to Poland, but on certain conditions. But those 
conditions, which consisted primarily in the loyalty towards the 
Polish State, — the Metropolitan has not kept. The Greek Catholic 
consistory at Lviv whose representative is prelate Kunicki, lately 
arrested, took an active part in the criminal policy. 

Metropolitan Szeptycki knew that Dr. Panienko had sent to 
all the representatives of European governments and to influen- 
tial newspapermen a 'memorandum' on 'Polish atrocities'. 

Metropolitan Szeptycki kept silent FOR TWO MONTHS 
which spread the glow of fires over Little Poland. 

"Nowy Swiat" (Polish Morning World), New York, October 
18, 1930, page 1. 

(b) _ . . - 

While denouncing the lies of Mr. Elliott, we consider it proper 
to emphasize, in the strongest way, that his correspondence was 
sent to the Herald Tribune from Berlin. 

It now becomes self-evident at once who in reality stands 
behind the curtain. The sabotage of the Ukrainian groups, the 
burning down of land estates, and so on, of which we have written, 
UNITED PRESS, but Mr. Elliott has forgotten of this, of 
course. . . , 

The treasonable intrigues of Berlin in Little Poland testify 
that here must follow from the Polish side a most energetic 
counteraction, to beat off efhciently 'peaceful' attacks akin to 
those of Elliott's in the Herald Tribune, 

Lies must be nailed. 

"Nowy Swiat" (Polish Morning World), New York, October 
18, 1930, the leading editorial on the editorial page 4. 

(Italics are of the "Nowy Swiat". — Ed.) 




The campaign of the Polish press against the person of Right 
Reverend Metropolitan Andrew Sheptytsky, which had started in 
connection with his intervention with the central government in 
the matter of the well known events, not only has not stopped, 
but becomes more and more uncompromising and goes beyond all 
the limits of the most primitive decency. We leave aside the 
political sense of such a press campaign, which instead to quote 
the high authority of the present head of the Greek-Catholic 
Church in favor of some settlement of the present unusuallj^ tense 
atmosphere, does not hesitate to use ugliest methods to destroy 
that authority. . . . The only result of this campaign is further 
inflammation of the interracial relations of our country, a still 
deeper psychic and organic consolidation of the Ukrainian people. 
The first of these results such organs of the Polish press, as the 
Cracow "Kurjer" and the Lviv "Slowo Polskie" evidently wish to 
attain, the second result they do not surmise. The future will 
furnish the proofs. . . . 

("Dilo", November 1, 1930.) 



The Uniate Metropolitan Bishop of Leniber, Count Sheptyt- 
sky, attempted to mediate between the Poles and the L^krainians, 
going to Warsaw himself in the hope that he might be able to 
end the calamity that had come over the Ukraine. His efforts 
were in vain. On October 13 he issued a pastoral letter condemn- 
ing acts of violence by the Poles. This letter was confiscated by 
the police on the 16th, 

(The Manchester Guardian, October 22, 1930.) 

{The church leader has evidently decided to try this method in order 
to stop the atrocities of the "pacification", although there were strong 
arguments against such a pastoral letter in the Metropolitan's mind. The 
letter exposed the value of the Polish demands of such an act on the part 
of the Ukrainian church: the "punitive expeditions' continued, the letter 
ivas suppressed. — Ed.) 



WARSAW, Oct. 31. — Former Deputy Dimitri Lewicki, leader 
of the biggest and most influential Ukrainian party, the National 
Democrats' Union, was arrested at Lwow last night, and the 
party's secretary, M. Kosonocki, was seized by the police this 
morning in the Parliament building at Warsaw. Both are accused 
of having supported financially the terrorist movement in Eastern 

In the party's offices at Lwow the police said they found traces 
of a message sent to the chief of a secret Ukrainian organization, 
Colonel Jarra, in Berlin. 

(The New York Times, Saturday, November 1, 1930.) 

{The above reports present a series of attempts by Ukrainian leaders 
to influence the Polish administration to discontinue its mass reprisals against 
the Ukrainian people. The course and the results of these interventions 
illustrate the Polish claims that the Polish government and public are in- 
spired by conciliatory spirit towards the Ukrainians. 

The intervention here depicted was attempted by the Metropolitan 
Bishop ,of Lviv, Andrew Count Sheptytsky, ,of 'the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic 
Church, and the headman of the biggest Ukrainian political party (the 
so-called UNDO.) an ex-deputy to the Polish sejm, Dr. Dmytro Levytsky. 
Thus we have an ecclesiastic and a secular leader attempting to move the 
government to stop the persecutions. Each of them is willing to take upon 
himself the responsibility for his act, and it is safe to assume that their 
obligations would have been respected by the bulk of the Ukrainians as if 
they had been undertaken by the people themselves. 

It is noteworthy how the Metropolitan argued before the Polish Min- 
ister \of the Interior against the pacification. The ecclesiastic leader never 
mentio7ts the Polish constitution or the law, but emphasizes the practical 
legal purposelessness \of the mass reprisals. He points ^out that four factors 
have been involved in the arsons which broke out in Poland in 1930: though 
some acts could be attributed to the Ukrainian revolutionary organization, 
others have to be ascribed to communists, still others to provocateurs, and 
still ^others to so-called insurance speculators. The ecclesiastic points out 
to the Minister of the Interior that there were greater damages done by fire 
in the purely Polish provinces of Warsaw than in the heart of the Ukrainian 
territory. Hence, the charge that all the Ukrainians are responsible for all 
the arsons committed on the Ukrainian territory under Poland have no 


The Minister evidently answered that some excesses must have been 
committed by the officers carrying out the pacification, and assured the 
Metropolitan that those responsible would be called to account. Even that 
public modest promise was not followed by any acts on the part of the 
Minister: the public had no proofs that the excesses had been investigated 
or that any of the perpetrators had been punished. The Minister's virtuous 
declaration remained but an empty gesture. 

The Polish government went on ivith its reprisals and 'mass attack upon 
the Ukrainian people. And the only real result of the intervention by the 
two leaders was: the arrest of Dr. Dmytro Levytsky and the campaign of 
slander instituted by the Polish press against the Metropolitan, so venomous 
in its tone, so reckless in its charges that this more than compensated the 
Polish government and public for their feeling of inability to treat the 
venerable ecclesiastic as they did a mere ex-deputy. 

This press campaign is noteworthy for one reason. The Polish press 
not only charged the Metropolitan with disloyalty and treason but also tried 
to tie up their assertions with proofs. The reports and the comments of 
the New York Polish newspaper "Nowy Swiaf are remarkable in this 
respect because it reprinted on the pages of one issue simply every charge 
that had ever been hurled by Polish papers in Poland. With a remarkable 
nonchalance the paper inade the Metropolitan something of a revolutionary, 
and then made the revolutionists into communists, on the front page, and 
into German paid agents, on its editorial page. Though the charge of 
co7nmunism directed against a Catholic bishop and a count by birth is too 
ridiculous to be entertained even for a moment, still a communist comment 
on the Bishop's intervention is given here to point out the direction of 
communist i?2terests. 

As to the charge of disloyalty to Poland, the reader may judge for 
himself if the Bishop's words as quoted by the "Dilo" sound like words of 
a disloyal person. 

And as to the Bishop's acts which are supposed by the Polish press to 
' prove his disloyalty, of them three facts are adduced by the "Nowy Swiat" 
to prove the Bishop's disloyalty, tiamely: the charge made by the Polish 
minister to the effect that the Ukrainian clergy failed to gauge the moral 
side of incendiarism ; the arrest of Prelate Kunytsky by the Polish govern- 
ment on the charge of active participation in criminal policy; and by the 
Metropolitan's alleged knowledge of the fact that Dr. Panienko {thus the 
"Nowy Swiat" calls Dr. Paneyko) sent to European governments a memo- 
randum on Polish atrocities. 

The first fact should be supplemented by the fact that the Polish 
government suppressed later the pastoral letter of the Ukrainian bishops, 
in which they did not fail to "gauge the moral value of incendiarism." 
As to the Prelate, how could this prove the Bishop's disloyalty to Poland, 


when the arrest does not prove even the Prelate's disloyalty to Poland, in 
the opinion of any unbiased person, since the Prelate had not been tried 
yet and had not been found guilty of the charges for which he was ac- 
cused* And finally, in what does Dr. Paneyko's memorandum prove the 
Metropolitan's disloyally to Poland or even the Metropolitan's knoivledge 
of such memorandum, if it tvere admitted, and not tnerely alleged? 

On such evidence rests the charge of disloyalty and treasonable activ- 
ities brought against the Metropolitan by the Polish press, and that is why 
this specification of the charges is welcome. It throws a great deal of light . 
not only upon the easiness with which the Polish press operates its mud- 
slings, but also upon the value of the charges of disloyalty broadcast by those 
foreign correspondents who give lengthy ivordy elaborations of the charge, 
but neglect to specify the counts upon which they base it. 

The reader may now sum up the practical results of the intervention 
of the Ukrainian leaders ivith the Polish government. The Polish govern- 
ment stands adamant on its original standpoint of making the entire Ukrain- 
ian race and all its institutions ansiverable for the acts of incendiarism on 
the Ukrainian territory. What the Ukrainian churchmen and political lead- 
ers consider as an unjust charge is stressed still more by the Polish officials. 
When the leader of the church, the most conservative of all the institutions, 
tries to intervene, the church and her leaders are heaped with charges of 
disloyalty, criminality, and treason. Every effort of the church leaders to 
comply honestly with the demands of the government is suspected as dis- 
loyal. The entire Polish press hoivls down the very attempts at intervention 
as treason.. 

What effect can such events have upon the Ukrainian people? What 
are the conclusions that the Ukrainian people have of necessity to draw from 
such facts? What activity could now in their opinion satisfy the Polish 
government, press and public? What is the purpose of the Polish policy? 

And even if such impression may be subject to some qualifications and 
doubts is it a sound administrative policy on the part of the Polish govern- 
ment even to suggest such conclusions? — Ed.) 

* The Prelate has not been tried even to this moment (the middle of the 
month of March, 1931.)— Ed. 





While Polish police and soldiers invaded Ukrainian villages under 
the pretext of subduing the epidemic of incendiarism, which was alleged 
to have been inaugurated by the Ukrainian Military Organization with the 
knowledge, connivance and assistance of the entire Ukrainian race, or at 
least of that section of it organized into cultural, political, economic, and 
sporting institutions, the Polish public did not remain quiet but started a 
parallel campaign of reprisals, which were justified by the Polish press as 
"revanche" {for the Ukrainian sabotage^. 


The Polish press hushed up the reports of these "revanche", displaying 
only the most glaring of them which furnished first-class news. The 
Ukrainian press was willing to report but its hands were tied up by the 
Polish censor, who suppressed not only everything that smacked of criticism 
of the government, but even criticism of the Polish public, nay even the 
criticism of the Polish press. Besides, the Ukrainian newspapers were 
undoubtedly overwhelmed by the ^immensity of the tragedy of "pacification" , 
which seemed to them like a direct attempt at killing the race physically. 
Horrible as the acts of "revanche" were, they were pale in comparison with 
the horrors of the "pacification" . 

And yet they represent an important aspect of the Polish relations 
towards the Ukrainians. For this reason they are given a cursory chapter. 


They write us from the city of Zolochiv : 

On September 2, at night, the barn of Rev. Stephen Yuryk, 
the parson of Zolochiv, was set on lire. The barn contained the 
crop of the season and agricultural implements. The damage is 

The very same night the Ukrainian students' dormitories were 
set on fire. The fire was noticed in time and put out. On August 
31, there was held in the city of Zolochiv a Polish meeting in the 
hall of the (Polish) "Sokol", to which meeting the people were 
invited by means of circulars. Although the circulars undoubtedly 
collide with the Criminal Code, Polish students passed them on to 
passersby without any protests on the part of the authorities. 


In the evening, as soon as the meeting was adjourned a fire 
was set to the building of the Ukrainian "gymnasium" (college) 
in Zolochiv. With the help of the neighbors the fire was put out 
in time. In the morning, which is on September 1, the mayor of 
the city, Dr. Kazimierz Moszynski ran into the building of the 
school, caught Mr. Ivan Balushka, the school janitor, by the chest, 
struck his head against the wall, then boxed his ears, yelling all 
the time, "Bandits ! Again setting fires !" The janitor was soon 

On August 28, at night, the stable of Rev. Hryhory Kachala, 
the parson of the village of Lisnyky, district of Berezhany, was 
set on fire. The stable contained cattle and farming implements. 
The damage amounted to 2,700 zlotys. 

On August 30, a fire broke out in the household of Peter 
Brykovych at the city of Tarnopol. The damage amounts to 880 
zlotys. The fire which destroyed two stacks of grain threatened 
the entire region in view of the nearness of the straw-thatched 
houses to each other. The fire was the work of some firebrands 
as a kerosene can was found near it. 

"Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, September 6, 1930. 


Last Sunday, September 21, 1930, an extraordinary district 
convention of the delegates of the branches of the Union of Polish 
Army Reserve Officers was held in Lviv. It was attended by 
the delegates of all those branches in the (three) south-eastern 
voyvodships and in Volhynia. The convention, after an address 
by Major Krynicki and a long debate, passed the following resolu- 
tions : 

1) The Convention demands from the Governmental Author- 
ities to use all the possible methods to liquidate as soon as 
possible the sabotages, and before all to introduce military courts 
and to dissolve all the so-called Ukrainian organizations, which, 
under the pretext of alleged cultural, social, sporting or economic 
work, support materially the agitators of sabotage and bring up 
new cadres for criminal activities. 

2) In view of the fact that the main executive role in sabot- 
ages is performed by the teachers and pupils of the Ukrainian 
schools and educational institutes, the Convention demands from 
the Curator of the School District of Lviv to close all those schools 


which were frequented by sabotagists, as well as to extend 
a special vigilance over the so-called Ukrainian schools. 

3) The Convention appeals to the Polish public to consolidate 
all the national, social and economic forces, to strengthen their 
vigilence and close, willing cooperation with the Governmental 
Authorities for the purpose of destroying the activities of banditry, 

4) The Convention places upon all the army reserve officers 
of the southeastern provinces the duty of standing in the closest 
contact with all the friendly combative organizations as well as 
heading, together with the "Strzelec" and the "Sokol," the social 
campaign for the purpose of stopping and liquidating the criminal 
"Ukrainian" activities. 

5) The Convention declares that the Union of the Army 
Officers in Reserve stand to disposal of the Authorities, whom it 
trusts fully that they would liquidate completely anti- State 

{"Dilo," September 24, 1930). 

{The resolutions ivere taken from Polish "papers^ where they 
appeared uncensored. 

The Ukrainian newspapers reported the above resolutions ncft 
only as news, but also as warning. They knew from experience 
that such resolutions are an excuse for the government to show 
action. The Ukrainians, in fact, usually suspect that the govern- 
ment itself provokes such demands to its own address: otherwise 
(he censor could easily suppress the news as being of inflam- 
matory character. 

The convention here is that of the branches situated in the 
Ukrainian provinces, with a proponderating Ukrainian majority. 
Though it is a civic organization^ its influence upon the govern- 
ment is great; it is in a tuay a ramification of the organization of 
the ex-service men, upon ivhom the Polish dictatorship depends 
for its main support. 

The resolutions call for the destruction of all UKRAINIAN 
societies. What is Ukrainian is in the ininds of Polish army 
reserve officers dangerous to the Polish State. 

The resolutions often take the word "Ukrainian" in quotation 
marks, as if to indicate that the army officers do not recognize the 
existence of such a race. 

The connection between the government, the reserve officers 
of the Polish army, and the "combative" organizations, like the 
notorious "Strzelec/' is manifest. 

The reader may compare this statement with the statement 
of the London Times correspondent. — Ed.) 







On Saturday, about 1 o'clock at night, the inhabitants of 
Lychakiv suburb (of the city of Lviv) heard a loud explosion. 
It became known later that it was the explosion of a bomb in the 
Ukrainian elementary school of Prince Leo, on Kruparska street.* 
As a result of the explosion the entire inside of the building was 
demolished, the roof was considerably damaged and one of the 
walls cracked. In the neighboring houses the windows were 
smashed by the explosion. 

On the second floor of the building lived the school janitor 
Rudy with his wife and four children. The entire family came 
out of the explosion unharmed, with the exception of one child 
who was wounded by splinters of wood. 

After the explosion another unexploded bomb was found at a 
distance from the school building. The bomb was taken by the 

The Polish press gave wide reports of the explosion, noting 
as if in accordance with the results of the preliminary examina- 
tion, that the bomb had exploded in a closed shelf which stood 
in one of the rooms of the school. In this connection Polish news- 
papers remark that the Ukrainians met often in the school, and 
that on the very evening preceding the explosion there was held 
there some kind of a conference. In this manner they intimate 
that the Ukrainians themselves planted the bomb in their own 
school. The "Gazeta Poranna" knows even what was the purpose 
of such an action. To wit: the school building was too old and 
the (Ukrainian) public was to be moved to contribute for a new- 
building. A fine stimulus, no doubt. But there is one hitch to it : 
if the bomb in the shelf was an Ukrainian bomb, what about the 

* Leo, Ukrainian prince, ruled Galicia, 1264-1301, from the city of 
Lviv {which means "Leo's city"), — a fact which forever reminds the Poles 
of the Ukrainian origin of the city and the Ukrainian character of the 
country. — Ed. 


second bomb which was found in the street? Who planted that 

In connection with the explosion the police arrested Antony 
Savchuk, 25, painter's apprentice, and his brother. 

"Nowy Czas", Lviv, September 24, 1930. 


Lviv, September 22, 1930. 


. . . We will not speak of the instigators of the acts of "Rev- 
anche" about the creators of the atmosphere, built up by a sys- 
tematic campaign of newspapers of the order of "Kurjer", by 
means of appeals, posters, circulars of various anonymous commit- 
tees, meetings, and conferences of various corporations, and so on 
and so on. We have in mind only concrete facts, accomplished 
acts : the burning of the household of Rev. Lysyk in the village of 
Demyaniv, district of Rohatyn; the burning of the household of 
Rev. Kachala in Lisnyky, district of Berezhany ; of Rev. Dr. Yuryk, 
of Zolochiv ; of the farmer Peter Brykovych, of Tarnopol ; of Rev. 
Hordynsky of Chernytsya, district of Horodenka; and of that of 
Rev. Matselyuch, in Kudobyntsi, district of Zboriv; the placing of 
a bomb into the home-office of the District Union of Cooperatives 
at Sokal; the burning of the reading-room of "Prosvita" and of 
the cooperative in Mykulychyn; the blowing up of the reading- 
room of the "Prosvita" in Manayiv, district of Zboriv; and the 
shooting of the farmer Vasyl Proshchanetsky ; the blowing up 
of the reading-room of "Prosvita" in Danylivtsi, district of Zboriv; 
the repeated breaking of windows and signs of the stores of the 
"Maslosoyuz", situated on Sapieha, Lychakivska, and Kosciuszko 
streets, in Lviv; the breaking of the windows in the Ukrainian 
hotel "Narodna Hostynnytsya" in Lviv; the cutting with a knife 
the janitor of the hotel; the breaking of the windows of the chapel 
in Zamarstyniv; the demolishing of the Ukrainian orphan asylum, 
school and cooperative in Levandivka; the attempted blowing up 
of the gate of the stadium of "Sokil-Batko" and the burning of 
the house of Fathers Studites in Znesinnya ; the attempted burning 
down of the Ukrainian "gymnasium" (college) and students' dor- 
mitories in Zolochiv, — and finally the last act of Polish "revanche" 
— the blowing up of the school of Prince Leo, the property of the 
"Prosvita" (Enlightenment) in Lviv. 

The cynicism of the Cracow "Kurjer" goes so far that it writes 
that the Ukrainian cooperatives burn their property with their 


own hands, in order to obliterate the traces of abuses ("Illustro- 
wany Kurper Codzienny", September 22, 1930). The cynicism of 
the "Slowo Polskie" goes even further : it thinks that any attempt 
against the school of Leo from the PoUsh side is out of the ques- 
tion since "if the Poles would care to pay the Ukrainians tit for 
tat, they could select another, far more valuable object than an 
old shack. . . ." It is evident that other PoHsh newspapers also 
are inclined to admit that it is either the Ukrainians themselves 
who set off the bombs under their own institutions, or at least 
that they cause the explosions by a careless handling of bombs 
preserved in reading-rooms, cooperatives and schools for the pur- 
pose of anti-Polish sabotage. The "Chwila" is the only paper to 
remark while reporting the explosion in the school of Leo, that 
"it is not out of the question that somebody had planted the 
bomb."* We will not quote the absurd reasoning about the way 
in which the explosion of one petard stored in a shelf blew out 
another petard as far as the sidewalk before the building, where 
it fell peacefully and failed to explode, and so on. 

The entire Polish press keeps calling on the Polish people to 
persecute Ukrainian institutions, to close Ukrainian schools, to 
start a campaign of reprisals against Ukrainian sabotagists. There 
is not a word about the need of combating the campaign of "rev- 
anche". The voyvoda of Lviv, when taking over his office, de- 
clared that he was a decided opponent of "revanche" and will 
combat it. We would like to see something practical result from 
this declaration. We think that if the authorities carry out a 
campaign against the alleged Ukrainian arsons by means of one 
thousand police and soldiers (expeditions into the districts of Lviv, 
Bibrka, Pidhaytsi, Berezhany, Rohatyn, and Ternopil), then no 
less wide measures should be used for the struggle against the 
activities of the Polish "revanche". If simultaneously with the 
mass arrests of Ukrainians the "revanche'" posters of the "commit- 
tee for the defense of the Eastern borderlands", appear on the walls 
of the cities and Polish newspapers print inflammatory appeals 
by various military, student and anonymous Polish organi- 
zations, supported by editorials, and Ukrainian reading-rooms and 
school are burnt or blown up, then any pacification of the' land 
is out of the question. 

We oppose ruin and anarchy, which must be exceedingly harm- 
ful to our people, especially at this moment. But that is just the 
reason why we must point out to purposelessness of these meth- 
ods of pacification, which go along the line of least resistance and 

^"Chmla" {The Moment) is a Jewish organ in polish. ^Ed. - 


does not reach to the very root of the evil : — which is the prevalent 
atmosphere that gives birth to regrettable acts from the opposing 

"Dilo", September 24, 1930. 



About the end of the month of September there was destroyed 
in Lviv by an explosion of a bomb the building of the 5-grades 
school of the "Ridna Shkola" of Prince Leo in the suburb of 
Lychakiv, at which explosion the entire outfit of the school, all 
the school implements and school stores were also destroyed. 
The "State Institute of Insurance" refused to pay the insured 


Without waiting for further appeals, the following citizens 
have contributed willingly their contributions for the purpose 
of erecting a new building of the "Ridna Shkola" of Prince Leo 
in Lviv : 

1. Artist Prof. Julian Butsmanyuk contributed his oil paint- 
ing "Revenge" and calls on the artists Alexander Novakovsky and 
Ivan Trush, both in Lviv (to make a proportionate contribution — 

2. Artist Dr. Ivan Ivanets contributed his picture "Hutsulka 
from Kosmatch" and calls on artist Michael Moroz and councillor 
Ossip Holinaty, of Lviv, and Dr. Myron Nyzhankivsky, of Kelce ; 

3. Dr. Michael Rudnytsky contributed 54 books and calls M. 
Malytsky, landlord of Shlakhtyntsi, Dr. Stephen Barshchynsky, of 
Zolochiv, and Ivan Dubytsky, of Stanislaviv; 

4. Antony and Mary Krushelnytsky contributed 100 zlotys ; 

5. Leo Yasinchuk contributed 20 zlotys and calls Dr. Vlodimir 
Revyuk, Dr. Yaroslav Oleksyshyn and Peter Petryk, all of Lviv; 

6. Ivan Harasymovych contributed 20 zlotys and calls Dr. 
Ivan Rakovsky, Dr. Sophie Parfanovych and Vasil Mykytchuk, of 

7. Michael Klymkevych contributed 20 zlotys and calls Rev. 
Dr. Michael Trokhymchuk, of Peremyshl, Dr. Marian Krechkov- 
sky, of Zoloty Potik, and Dr. Semen Shevchuk, of Lviv; 

8. Peter Kovtun contributed 20 zlotys ; 

9. Irene Terepa contributed 20 zlotys ; 

10. Daniel Vakhnyanyn contributed 10 zlotys and calls Rev. 
Dr. Auksent Boychuk, rector of the Ukrainian Catholic Seminar}-, 


in Stanislaviv, Justice Dr. Michael Shkilnyk, of PeremyshI, and 
lawyer Dr. Stephen Bilak, of Horodok ; 

11. Eng. Ivan Luchyshyn, 10 zlotys, calls Eng. Yaroslav Kolt- 
unyuk, Severyn Pasternak and Ivan Rybaruk, of Lviv; 

12. Eustache Muryn, 10 zlotys, calls Vladimir Klyvak, Ste- 
phen Lototsky and Michael Vaskiv, of Lviv ; 

13. a collection at the church of St. Peter and Paul brought 
1^ zlotys ; 

14. Ivanitsky 10 zlotys; 15, the workers of the "Ridna Khata" 
9, 20 zlotys ; 16, Mariashova 5 ; 17, Nicholas Levytsky 5 ; 18, Vlad. 
Kohut 5 ; 19, G. Vld. 5 ; 20, Osip Olkhovy 5 ; 21, Theodore Kryvut- 
sky 5 ; 22, Konstantine Kovaliv 5 ; 23, Julian Eluk 2. — Ivan Oleksyn 
contributed 5 American dollars. — All the contributions were de- 
posited on the safe deposit book No. 15,150 of the cooper. "Dnister" 
in the name of the fund of the School of Prince Leo in Lviv. 

"Dilo", Lviv, October 11, 1930. 

{Each of the Polish acts of ''revanche" falls as a new burden upon 
the Ukrainian people. 

The above report gives the reader an idea in what manner Ukrainian 
schools are supported. This is one of the many ways, and a most common 
one. It usually brings results as friends called on to contribute rarely re- 
fuse. It gives the public an opportunity to trace down their contributions. 
It furnishes, however, the Polish government with the names of the sup- 
porters of Ukrainian institutions and exposes the cotitributors to various 
chicaneries and persecutions (driving from governmental or evett private 
positions; transferring them to Western, truly Polish districts, and the like) . 
For this reason it is a good illustration for the already quoted words of Mr. 
Hoy Lee Ellis, which American Poles succeeded in placing in several Amer- 
ican papers, and in which he said that the Ukrainians have no idealistic 
intelligentsia, and "all ihe provocateurs of the Ukrainian movement" work 
for their material gains, for Moscow rubles and Berlin marks. 

The rate of exchange at the time when these contributions were made 
was about 11.20 American cents to a Polish zloty. The real value in goods 
in Poland of an American dollar is several times that of an American dollar 
in America. — Ed.) 





(d) From the very earliest morning of yesterday, great 
crowds of curious people gathered to view the building of the 
'-'Tsentrosoyuz", at 20 Zimorovich street, where an infernal ma- 
chine had exploded. 

At the command of Mr. Gonczakowski, the director of street 
cleaning department of the city, many functionaries of that de- 
partment started to clean up the gutter and the sidewalks of bro- 
ken glass, thus making possible the passage through Zimorovich 
and Staszyc streets. 

Later, at the place of explosion a committee assembled for 
the purpose of examination. The examination was attended by: 
public prosecutor Bizub; investigation judge Tunikowski; the com- 
mandant of the voyvodship police, inspector Grabowski; the com- 
mander of the local police, higher police commissioner Sedzimir; 
representative of tPTe examining office commissary Feduniszyn; the 
director of the political brigade, commissary Bilewicz; commissary 
Czechowski ; captain Kirchner with a detachment of sappers ; lieu- 
tenant Duczynski of the department of arms ; higher masters of 
pyrotechnics Jena and Patkowski ; the chief of the safety depart- 
ment in the local garrison, major Magieras. The "Tsentrosoyuz" 
Was represented by director Shukhevych, the "Silsky Hospodar" 
by director Tvorydlo, and their lawyer Dr. Szukhevych. 

The committee closely examined the grounds. They found 
no remnants of the infernal machine, or fuse or any remnants of 
other explosives. They ascertained instead that the explosive had 
been placed inside of the building, and that the explosion was 
probably caused by detonation of a greater amount of blasting 
explosives since the power of the explosion was unusually violent. 
The authorities ascertained that throwing of the charge of the ex- 
plosive through the barred windows of the building was out of the 
question and would be very dangerous for the perpetrator, from 
which a conclusion must be made that some infernal machine must 
have been placed in the warehouse. Finally the committee ascer- 
tained that the walls of the neighboring buildings, situated on 
Staszic and Zimorowicz streets, were considerably damaged; the 
question whether they do not threaten with fall will be passed 
upon by a special building commission. 

After the examination had been made and the damages ascer- 
tained, the management of the "Tsentrosoyuz" started the work 
to bring the demolished building to the previous condition. 

■ C'Wiek Nowy", Polish daily, No. 8789, Lviv, October 5, 1930.) 


(This report is typical for the Polish press. It manipulates the findings 
of the inquest, which are hardly more than a flimsy texture of conjectures, 
in such a manner as to make it appear that the explosions was caused by 
the Ukrainians themselves. What the motive the Ukrainians could have 
in such a planting of a bomb into their oivn institution, the Polish paper 
does not bother to enter into. The long list of officials is given to suggest 
that this was the officially acknowledged finding. 

Nothing more than this inquest was done by the government towards 
the discovery of the perpetrators or bringing them to justice. Not even the 
senseless theory about the Ukrainians blotving up themselves was worked 

The final paragraph of the report is significant. 

The damages were ascertained officially, — an official act, under the 
Austrian law, preceding usually a suit for damages. Here it was done by 
the government willingly, while in the cases of "pacification" the victims 
were denied it when they asked for it. 

The readiness of the directors of the "Tsentrosoyuz" to rebuild and to 
carry on the business characterizes the managers and the organization. What 
motive could they have in storing highly combustible explosives into their 
warehouses ? — Ed. ) 


The explosion of the bomb on the groundfloor of the building 
on Zimorowicz street, in which the warehouse of the "Tsentroso- 
yuz" was located, has caused a great damage. Four rooms on the 
groundfloor have been demolished together with the goods, on the 
second floor a big hall which was occupied by the cooperative 
"Silsky Hospodar" (Village Farmer) and the room in which lived 
the clerk of the "Silsky Hospodar" Danylovsky. It has to be 
considered a true God's miracle that the said Danylovsky, his wife 
and children escaped from the explosion unharmed. On the third 
floor there was no damage. ... 

Mrs. Danylovsky, the clerk's wife, who suffered most since she 
came out with a nervous shock, told us that she had heard at first 
a crash of broken window panes, and only then followed a terrible 
explosion, which in the first moment made her lose her conscious- 
ness completely. . . . 

It will be pertinent to mention in this connection that in the 
building which now has suffered as the result of the explosion, not 
less than three times window panes had been broken, and each 
time the perpetrators escaped discovery. - 


The Polish chauvinistic press, before investigation warrants it, 
directly and indirectly ascribes the placing of the bomb under the 
Ukrainian cooperative central building to nobody but to the 
Ukrainians themselves. 

This press strangely forgets all the appeals and calls of "self- 
defense" and "revanche", which the organs of that press have been 
publishing on their own pages. They do not seem to suspect that 
anybody from the Polish side could have acted upon their advices 
and appeals. 

It seems as if the burning down of the Boy-Scouts' camp on 
the Sokol, the bombing of the Ukrainian school in Lychakiv, a 
suburb of Lviv, of the Reading-Room of "Prosvita" (Enlighten- 
ment) at Zboiska, as well as all the other burning and demolition 
of Ukrainian property, private and public, and finally the last act 
of bombing the building of the "Tsentrosoyuz" were not the result 
of Polish "revanche" planned for a long time by the Polish chauvin- 
istic press and the Polish National-Democratic organizations of 
"self-defense", but exclusively the work of Ukrainian hands. 

There are both in the city of Lviv and in the provinces many 
Ukrainian institutions which rob Polish chauvinists of their peace- 
ful sleep. They still will have plenty of opportunity to show their 
prowess in setting explosions. . . . 

But even the Ukrainians have in Poland the right granted by 
the Polish constitution to demand from the authorities protection 
and safety for Ukrainian institutions against the attemps of vari- 
ous pogrom organizations. 

Lest in the future a legend again should arise about the 
Ukrainians planting bombs into their own institutions, the authori- 
ties may be called to attest at any moment if any of the Ukrainian 
institutions stores explosives. 

"Dilo", Lviv, October 7, 1930. 

{The rich crop of wildest rumors and conjectures manujactured by 
the Polish press is significant for the atmosphere in which the Polish- 
Ukrainian "relations develop. The air was charged with dark vapors when 
the first official inquest stopped shott of any really well-founded results. 
It gave nothing hut half-uttered conjectures, which were picked up by the 
press, tvhose healthy curiosity for facts was distorted by the conditions of 
censorship i)Jto an unwholesome craving for lurid sensations. 

hi such an atmosphere, the wilder the rumor the more it seems to find 
credulity. With a sensible public no such rumors as those published by 
the Polish press of the self-destructive mania of Ukrainian institutions or 
leaders could be entertained for a moment. The Polish daily "Wiek Nowy", 
which published the above quoted report of the explosion in the "Tsentro- 


soyuTf', added that the management of the organization started the work of 
reconstruction immediately after the official inquest was over, — a fact which 
in itself attests to the indomitable spirit and gameness of the Ukrainian 
institutions rather than to any despair or mania of self-deStruction. 

What makes the Voles accept such fantastic theories? What makes 
them accept the very idea that the Ukrainians are about to commit racial 
suicide? Such questions suggest themselves to one reading these lurid 

Ukrainian newspapermen know that a decent government official would 
consider it his first duty to condemn similar conjectures and wild rumors, 
especially when disseminated by newspapers, and they desparately grope 
for some methods to compel! the Polish government to do the decent thing. 


A delegation composed of director M. Zayachkivsky, Canon 
Rev. D. Lopatynsky, dir. O. Lutsky and dir. J. Pavlykovsky, repre- 
senting a number of Ukrainian cultural and economic institutions, 
in which those men occupy various leading positions, appeared, on 
Saturday, October 4, at the offices of Mr. Gallass, the supreme 
officer of the city of Lviv, w^ith the purpose of intervention. The 
leaders named above called the attention of the supreme officer 
of the city district to the strange phenomena that bombs are 
exploded in Ukrainian institutions destroying furnishings and prop- 
erty while the Polish newspapers inform the public after such 
incidents that the bombs had been stored or placed by the Ukrain- 
ians themselves. For this reason the delegation requested the 
supreme officer of the city district to carry out in the home-offices 
of these institutions a police search for the purpose of ascertaining 
whether or not any explosives are kept there and for the purpose 
of giving the institutions police protection. 

The supreme officer of the city district admitted that it is 
really hard to believe the report that the institutions had decided 
to destroy themselves, but, he said, the proposed search would not 
solve the problem the more so as after it some one may place some 
explosive even in spite of the strictest search by the directors of 
the institution. The supreme officer of the city district pointed 
out that the police are overburdened and that they lack forces to 
be placed for the protection of the institutions. At the same time 
Mr. Gallass declared that he was personally opposed to all so-called 
"revanches". As to the comments of the Polish press, the su- 
preme officer of the city district said, he has no power to influence 
its tone and opinions. 

("Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, October 7, 1930.) 


{The request of the Ukrainian institutions seeks to furnish them with 
some protection against the acts of Polish "revanche". The Polish consti- 
tution proclaims the protection of the life and property of Polish citizens 
as one of the prime purposes of the Polish government. The Polish gov- 
ernment has never hesitated to use various extraordinary measures under 
the pretext of protecting the life and property of the Polish people. Polish 
administrative officials have imposed upon the Ukrainian people the burden 
of maintaining guards day and night for the alleged purpose of protecting 
the property of the Poles supposedly threatened by incendiarism. Then 
mass reprisals on the Ukrainians were inaugurated by the Polish govern- 
ment under the pretext of protecting the life and property of Polish citizens. 

Now various attacks of Polish pogrom organizations and mobs against 
Ukrainian institutions in Lviv and other cities of Galicia were also attacks 
upon the life and property of Polish citizens. To be sure, they were attacks 
against the people of the Ukrainian race, but the Polish constitution explicitly 
states that the protection of the Polish law is due to every citizen of Poland 
irrespective of his race, language or religion. 

With this basic understanding the Ukrainian institutions of Lviv ap- 
pear before the supreme administrative officer of the district to demand 
protection of their property. The occasion is the explosion of a bomb 
placed into the Ukrainian cooperative institution, the "Tsentrosoyuz" , — a 
notorious incident of grave importance. 

What is the answer of the supreme officer of the district? He cannot 
furnish them with police protection because the police are overburdened 
with work. Probably, they are out of the city "protecting' the property 
of the Poles, by "pacifying' the Ukrainians. 

Could he perhaps do something to calm the stirred rabble passions of 
the Polish people in the city of Lviv? Could he for instance give the 
"revanchists" to understand that they would be punished by the authorities 
for wrecking Ukrainian institutions? Could he at least deny the allegations 
according to which the Ukrainians themselves plant bombs into their own 
institutions and explode them, — an allegation which is equivalent to an 
assurance that similar acts of Polish pogrom organizations would go not 
only unpunished but would be charged to the Ukrainians, that is to the 
victims of these attacks? Could he at least do a good turn to the Ukrainian 
institutions at the special price of the annoyance of being searched for arms? 
Could the authorities assure themselves and the public by such searches that 
no bombs are stored in Ukrainian institutions? 

The representative of the Polish government refuses. The searching 
of the institutions would not do: soon after a search somebody might throw 
a bomb from outside. 

But he surely does not suspect for a moment that the Ukrainians could 
have placed those bombs that destroyed their own institutions? No, that 


he cannot believe as nobody would like to destroy himself. But this is 
exactly the current charge, of the Polish press, the delegation pointed out. 
Couldn't he do something about it? They do not seem to give him any 
suggestions: if it were a question of the Ukrainian press, the official would 
know how to influence it. But now he said he could not influence them. 

Thus the result of the intervention was nil unless one could count 
among the results the public advertisement of the fact that the Polish 
authorities would not protect Ukrainian institutions against the attacks of 
hooligans; that the Polish police would be busy somewhere else; and that 
such attacks would be charged to the Ukrainians themselves victimized by 
such pogroms. 

That might seem to be so bad that nothing worse could be imagined. 
And yet Mr. Gallass, the supreme officer of the city district, succeeded in 
making it still worse. The "Dilo", of October 9, 1930, brings a correction 
of the above quoted report, a correction sent in by Mr. Gallass himself, 
to be published according to the press statute. In this correction Mr. 
G alias says: 

"It is not true that the supreme officer of the city district declared to 
the delegation of the Ukraitiian institutions that 'as to the comments of the 
Polish press, he has no power to influence their tone and opinions' . It is 
true, however, that the supreme officer of the city district declared to the 
delegation that he has no title to influence the Polish press in its tone and 
comments on the attempts which continue since the Polish press bases its 
opinions and charges on the real results of the past inquiries and examina- 

Since the editor of the Ukrainian paper could not give its view, — /'/ 
it was contrary to the officer' s statement, without exposing his paper to 
another suppression, it is impossible to inquire further what really happened 
at the conference on that subject. Leaving the doubtful moments aside, it 
seems that the report of the "Dilo" in other respects is true. True is the 
report that the Ukrainians have made such demands, and that the official 
refused to give Police protection to Ukrainian buildings. He does not cor- 
rect the statement that he had held the bombing of the Ukrainian institutions 
by the Ukrainians themselves highly improbable, but he commends the 
Polish press, who were the authors of wildest rumors, for basing their re- 
ports upon a true understanding of the results of official inquests. 

What influence for law and order in Poland such a declaration must 
have is evident. — Ed.') 





On Tuesday, October 14, at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, a group 
of Polish students of higher schools (the so-called corporants) 
started immediately after the inauguration ceremonies at the uni- 
versity a campaign of smashing the windows of all the stores 
situated in the building of the "Prosvita", including the store of 
the "Maslosoyuz" (the Ukrainian dairy cooperative — Ed.) and of 
the bookstore of the (Ukrainian) Scientific Society of Shevchenko ; 
then in all the stores situated in the building of the "Dnister" 
(the Ukrainian fire insurance association — Ed.), including the store 
of the "Bazar" and "Dostava" (dealing in church goods, — Ed.) ; 
finally they broke the windows in the building of the "Scientific 
Society of Shevchenko", 24-26 Czarnecki Street (in the library and 

At the moment when this goes to press we were not able yet 
to collect the reports of the damages done by Polish students to 
the various Ukrainian institutions. In the building of the "Sci- 
entific Society of Shevchenko" alone they broke as many as fifty 
windows, the stones flying to the third floor, 

("Dilo", Lviv, October 16, 1930.) 


As was reported yesterday, members of Polish student organ- 
izations, dressed in their red caps, attacked on Tuesday, October 
14, about 1 o'clock in the afternoon the Ukrainian institutions in 
the Rynok, on Ruska Street, Czarnecki street, and broke their 
windows and signs. In the building of the (Ukrainian) Scientific 
Society of Shevchenko alone 93 window panes were broken (in 
the Library and the Museum of the Society). Similar and even 
greater damage was done to the Ukrainian institutions situated in 
the Rynok and on Ruska Street. There suffered especially : the 
bookstore of Shevchenko, in which were broken all the window 
panes facing Ruska Street; "Dostava", in which were demolished 
all the expensive signs ; and the "Soyuzny Bazar", in which were 
broken the big show windows. Other institutions and stores on 


Ruska Street suffered less. It is to be added that two Jewish 
firms, namely the store of Stierer and the restaurant of Fuks, 
suffered only because, having Ukrainian patrons, they had Ukrain- 
ian signs. 

The students who broke windows and Ukrainian signs num- 
bered a few score. In the evening, however, there gathered a 
crowd numbering more than a thousand persons, and they amused 
themselves to their hearts' content. They broke the windows in 
the building of the Ukrainian Theological Seminary, on Kopernik 
■Street; then they broke the signs of the stores of "Maslosoyuz" 
on Kentszynski and Sapieha Streets (here they broke only the 
upper store since two others they had demolished several weeks 
ago) ; the signs of the "Zemelny Bank" (Land Bank) on Slov- 
wacki Street, several windows in the Hotel "Narodna Hostynnyt- 
sya" ; then the windows of the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Coop- 
eratives, on Dominikansika Street; then the show windows and 
signs of the restaurant of Mr. Maksymko on St. George Place ; 
then the signs of shoemaker J. Kotsyumbas, on Sheptysky Street; 
the show windows and signs of the candy shop of Mr. Stetsko, on 
St. Nicholas Street, and others. 

It was already late in the evening, about 10 :30, when Polish 
students, numbering some 100 persons, organized an attack against 
the orphan asylum, 95 Potocki Street, and the Monastery of St. 
Basyl's SS. Amidst infernal bowlings the students hurled at the 
windows a storm of stones and bricks, the average weight being 
1kg. The nuns and the orphans, awakened from their early sleep, 
did not know what was going on. Some of them, crying, ran out 
into the corridor, others hid under their beds, cutting their legs 
and hands on the broken glass. One of the Sisters suffered a heart 
•attack and lay unconscious till the next morning, and several girls 
and nuns suffered a nervous shock. Polish students inflicted upon 
them not only considerable material damage, having broken 73 
window panes, but also considerable moral wrong to the Ukrainian 
orphans.- Whether such a "patriotic feat" directed against de- 
fenseless orphans and nuns is worthy of university students, let 
the public opinion decide ! ■ ■ '■' 

"On their way", the Polish students broke' also the signs in 
the house of Dr. Pavlo Tsymbalisty, on Lystopada Street. The 
doctor, his wife and children were frightened being roughly awak- 
ened from their sleep. : . , , ,/ - 

The Polish press admits that several hundred students parti- 
cipated in the parade, and the "Dziennik LudoM^y"^is indigant that 

■-■'--' - ■• '■ ■—"-■-;: ■ ■ • ' ' ' ■■ ' - ■-■■ ■'■ - ''^'-^■-' 'i^- 


this "demonstration" has inflamed the entire city of Lviv, the more 
so as the demolition of Ukrainian institutions took place in the 
very center of the city, in bright daylight, and as the police, ac- 
cording to the "Dziennik Ludowy" put in appearance only after 
the "demonstration", and even then they arrested an Ukrainian by 
the name of Pankiv. , . . 

On the other hand, the "Lwowski Kurjer Poranny" tries to 
whitewash the Polish students by saying that some suspicious 
individuals spread among them a rumor of new acts of sabotage 
and that Polish university students, influenced by these provoca- 
tive rumors, "paraded" before Ukrainian institutions, and "various 
scum took advantage of these parades and broke a couple of win- 
dows on Ruska Street. The Polish students exhibited a great 
tact and moderation, and that is why peace was soon restored. . . ." 

What tact and moderation the Polish student organizations 
manifested we have seen only too well. 

(c) - 


The Scientific Society of Shevchenko notifies the public that 
on October 14, at noon, Polish university students broke eight big 
show windows of the bookstore of the Scientific Society of Shev- 
chenko, causing thereby damage to the amount of 1200 zlotys. 
From the bookstore Polish students paraded to the building of 
the Library and Museum of the Scientific Society of Shevchenko 
and broke there with stones and bricks 85 small and 6 large win- 
dow panes. The damage amounts to 500 zlotys. The Library is 
used equally by Ukrainian and by Polish scientists. At the 
moment of the pogrom there were working in the Library 30 
persons and several clerks. The Scientific Society is sending out 
today letters to the Rectorate of Lviv university and of the Lviv 
Politechnicum and to other Polish cultural and scientific institu- 
tions branding this attack upon a purely scientific organization as 
a pogrom unheard of in the civilized world. The Scientific Society 
will also notify of the events of October 14, 1930, all its members 
abroad and all the scientific institutions with which it exchanges 
permanently its scientific work. 

"Dilo", Lviv, October 17, 1930. 




Our list of the institutions, firms and private citizens who 

have suffered as a result of the notorious "parades" of Polish 


university student organizations held in Lviv, on October 14 (see 
the "Dilo", Nos. 230 and 231), has to be supplemented by the 
name of the store of "Maslosoyuz" (Ukrainian Dairy Cooperative) 
on Horodetska Street, where the signs were broken for the first 
time (in other stores of the "Maslosoyuz" the windows and signs 
had been broken many a time!) and the grocery store of Mr. 
Storoshchuk, on Sheptytsky street, where also all the signs were 

In the building of the (Ukrainian Greek Catholic) Theological 
Seminary, on Kopernik Street, 32 big window panes were broken 
valued at 500 zlotys. 

As to the "parade" before the Scientific Society of Shevchenko, 
on Czarnecki Street, where 85 small windows of the scientific li- 
brary and 6 large windows of the Museum were broken, it is 
ETY OF SHEVCHENKO, situated as it is next to what once was 
the palace of the governor of Galicia, and now the palace of the 
EXISTENCE. During all the previous anti-Ukrainian parades and 
excesses in Lviv, — and of them we had not few ! — there was always 
in the crowd somebody more sensible who would stop the paraders 
from attacking a library and a museum, and when such were ab- 
sent the police used finally to stop the parade. This time, however, 
there was nobody to stop the Polish parade and they bombarded 
with stones and bricks the Library and the Museum of the Sci- 
entific Society of Shevchenko without the least difficulty. 

To characterize the sentiments of the Polish public at the 
present moment it will suffice to bring to the public notice the 
fact that a group of people, viewing from the sidewalks the 
smashing of the windows in the bookstore of the Scientific Soci- 
ety of Shevchenko, on Ruska Street, enthusiastically applauded the 
"feats" of Polish students. 

(Italics are of the original. — Ed.) 


On October 14, about 11 o'clock in the evening, a group of 
Polish students, about 40 in number, attacked the private house 
of Dr. Tsymbalisty, on Listopada street, and broke in it all the 
windows. The stones were hurled with such force that they broke 
the oven in one of the rooms and in others damaged greatly the 


walls. Stones and broken glass covered completely the child's bed 
in the bed-room so that Dr. Tsynibalisty's son escapjed injury by 
a sheer miracle. The students demolished also the doctor's sign 
written in Polish (the Ukrainian sign had been destroyed some 
time ago). It is noteworthy that among the students there were 
seen five girls, who too took an active part in the attack. Dt. 
Tsymbalisty at once notified by telephone the police of the attack^ 
but at the time of the attack there was not even a policeman on 
the entire Listopada street and no policeman appeared before the 
next morning. Only on October 15, in the morning there appeared 
at Dr. Tsymbalisty's a policeman and wrote a report. The dam- 
ages amount to some 500 zlotys. 

- "Dilo", Lviv, October 18, 1930. •.a;.-:'. ;.- 
(The reports of the assault upon Ukrainian organizations by a rabhU 

of Polish students disclose a common pogrom method in Poland. These 
student "corporations" ,- — the members of many of whom wear special caps, 
- — are one of the chief regular pogrom organizations. Outside of the 
"Strzelcy" , the ex-service men, these are the most alert, quick, and most 
easily inflammable group. 

They perform their feats again and again. Similar acts as, those de- 
scribed above have been done on many occasions. The authors of these. 
acts do not cease to look upon themselves as heroes or martyrs for the 
national cause just because the police come always too late, to se^ their 
"parade' and neither public prosecutors nor judges would , think everi far 
a moment of hailing them to court for trial. .' . . . " ' , . 

The Polish public look at them with favor.. The Polish press at worst 
when feeling that the excesses went too far, would not praise but furnish 
extenuating circumstances. 

- Such was the case in this particular instance. The police canie; to the 
scene of the parade after all was over, though the. students, went from om 
Ukrainian institution to another, from one section of the city to, .another, 
and took their time in doing so. No Polish student w^s arrest£d, and of, 
course, not one was hailed to answer either before a court or the school 
authorities. No Polish paper criticized the behavior of the students) "the 
intelligentsia of tomorrow" . In the. o.pinion of the Polish press it was a 
sufficient excuse to say that a rumor was spread among the students of some 
neiu act of sabotage. It was absolutely within the rights of those siude\its, 
the Polish press holds, to hear a rumor of a stack of Polish hay burnt and 
to rush at once to stone an Ukrainian bookstore or an' Ukrairiidri scientific 
society, its library or rnusium.. ,■ . ' ' ,, ,'.■'.[[' I 
;, Isn't just this attitude of the Polish press the best illustration 'df tlbH 
service of. that press fof the creMion of' tb.e'.tense atmosphere Iri which'^ei^'eit 
a. body of students can turn .into a passionate rabble ready to bum-and'kil^.^ 


Taking as a whole these student "corporations" starting on their orgy 
of destruction, that press furnishing excuses for their ire, and the venerable 
university authorities who have not a word to say to the students on this 
account,: and the. public prosecutors and judges and police who never stir 
one finger to discover or to punish the perpetrators or leaders,^-isn't this 
all. together a perfect picture of a race capable not only of ruling them- 
selves, but also of ruling others? — Ed.) 



{The Polish press reports such and similar cases only when they have 
great news value. For an Ukrainian newspaper each such report is wrought 
with dangers of suppression. They take, therefore, a great care in pub- 
lishing them. Hence many such cases pass unnoticed by the press. 

Here are published a few cases taken at random from the Ukrainian 
press. — Ed. ) 

' (a) 


On September 24, about 3 o'clock in the morning, there ap- 
peared before the monastery of Fathers Studites in Znesinya near 
Lviv four unknown men, who woke up with a revolver shot the 
inmates of the monastery and its guards. The monks at once ran 
to the courtyard, and in this very moment at a distance of a 
dozen paces away from the monastery there was heard a terrible 
explosion. The explosion did not damage the building nor the 
wooden church, which has an incalculable artistic value. After 
the explosion the culprits in their flight fired several shots at the 
monastery. The monks found under the house another bomb 
which had failed to explode because the fuse had gone out. . . . 
A part of the explosive, wrapped up in a paper, was found later 
on a window sill. 

It is to be noted that the monastery of Fathers Studites is 
salt in the eyes of Polish chauvinists of Lviv. Only a few weeks 
prior to the explosion the Catholic "Lwowski Kurjer Poranny" 
brutally attacked Fathers Studites for daring to build a church 
within the city of Lviv, though it is a Catholic church and built 
of wood. ... 

"Dilo", September 26, 1930. 

{The Polish authorities were reported to have started an investigation, 
but there were no results. — Ed.) 



We receive the following communication from the city of 
Tarnopol : 

On September 23, at night, eight windows were broken in the 
Ukrainian "gymnasium" (college) for girls. Students of Polish 
schools attack the student-girls of Ukrainian schools in the streets, 
tear off their caps, spit on them, hurls stones and mud at them. 

"Dilo", Lviv, October 1, 1930. 



On October 8, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, there occurred an 
explosion in the building of the reading-room of "Prosvita" in 
Fraza, district of Rohatyn. The explosion demolished a section 
of the wall. Who placed the explosive is unknown. 

"Dilo", Lviv, October 11, 1930. 



On Monday, at night, two bombs of military type were thrown 
into the Ukrainian cooperative in the village of Radylycha, district 
of Drohobych. The bombs failed to explode. The military au- 
thorities notified of this took the bombs. The police started an 
investigation. Polish newspapers report that arrests were made, 
but do not mention who was arrested. 

"Dilo", Lviv, September 26, 1930. 



The Polish Telegraphic Agency reports: On October 16, at 
2 o'clock in the afternoon, some unknown persons placed a bomb 
under the grave of Ukrainian soldiers on the Siletska Mountain 
m the village of Tyazhiv, in the district of Stanislaviv. A part of 
the grave was destroyed. 

"Dilo", October 18, 1930. 



On October 31, about half past two at night, the inhabitants 
of the town of Terebovla were awakened from their sleep by a 
terrific explosion in the very center of the town. It appeared that 
some, so far not discovered persons attempted to blow up the 
monument erected in honor of Ukrainian soldiers fallen in the 
war, which stands near the Ukrainian church. The monument 
was damaged only slightly, but the neighboring houses as well as 
the Ukrainian church suffered considerably. In all the neighbor- 
ing houses, as well as in the parochial house, all the windows were 
shattered. In the church the big front window was destroyed 
completely, and in the side windows window panes were broken. 
Fortunately, there were no victims in people ; the only person to 
suffer a light wound was Mrs. Got, the church singer's wife, who 
was wounded by fragments of smashed window panes. 

Two guards were at the monument on the critical night, but 
the perpetrators drove them away and then placed the bomb. 

Rev. Mokhnatsky and Dr. Zaplitny intervened with the su- 
preme officer of the district on the next day. The officer promised 
to start a strict investigation and for the time being to strengthen 
the guards in the town. 

"Dilo", November 8, 1930. 


In the village of Yamnytsya, in the district of Stanyslaviv, 
some unknown individuals tore down two Ukrainian stone crosses, 
one of which was erected in the memory of the abolition of serf- 
dom, the other in the memory of V. Senechnyuk. They also de- 
stroyed the cement cross erected in the memory of Ukrainian 
soldiers fallen in the war and tore out the window sashes from 
the windows of the communal building. 

"Dilo", November 18, 1930. 


Numerous searches are being conducted in the district of the 
State police post at Tavriv. 

The members of the "Strzelec", armed with military rifles, 
officiate as "citizens' guard". On Friday night, November 15, they 


arrested nine farmers, the leading Ukrainians of the village. . . . 
They also arrested three farmers from the village of Kaplyntsi 
and one from the village of Dmukhavets. At eight o'clock in the 
morning they were all conducted on foot to the town of Berezhany 
by the police and by the "Strzelcy", 

"Dilo", November 21, 1930. 

{The "Strzelcy", though members of a civilian organization, and no 
governmental organization, carry here openly guns and act as if they were 
special officers of the law. — Ed.) 



On November 15, about 10 o'clock in the evening, a group of 
men, masked and armed with military rifles, came to the mayor 
of the village and demanded billeting quarters for a detachment 
of soldiers who were, they said, to come to the village during the 
elections. They started their announcement of the soldiers to be, 
quartered by breaking the windows in the reading-room. After 
that they went to the second branch of the local cooperative and 
there broke the locks, trying to enter it. They did not succeed 
in breaking into the cooperative, but did damage to the amount 
of 52 zlotys. Hence they went to the household of Nicholas Novo- 
sad, Semko's son, broke the windows of his house, tore up feather- 
beds in the pantry, scattered the feathers on the ground and poured 
flour on it. At the household of Paul Pihovych, the headman of 
the council of directors of the cooperative, they broke the windows 
and poured the grain from the sacks on the floor of the pantry. 
At the household of Michael Zcenchyshyn, a Ukrainian of Latin 
rite, they broke the windows and poured his flour and grain on 
the floor, emptied a barrel of dilled cabbage on it and mixed it. 
Then they went to Stephen Posmityuch's, but his wife begged 
them not to destroy anything. One of the assailants said to his 
men in Polish, "It's not allowed!" and they went away, without 
ruining anything. At Gregory Stets's they broke the windows, 
and one of them struck the owner's wife. At Ivan Bodivsky's, 
the treasurer of the cooperative, they poured the grain from the 
sacks to the floor of the store-room and whipped his daughter, 
who slept there. They broke also the windows in the houses of 
Yasko Abramovych and Nicholas Malchos. They whipped the 
watchmen who guarded telegraph posts. When it began to dawn, 


the people awakened and came to conclusion that the talk about 
the billeting of soldiers must be an invention. Seeing that there 
are no soldiers in the village, they went after the assailants, who 
ran away, having first damaged a Ukrainian monument. 
"Dilo", Lviv, November 21, 1930. 


The district court of Lviv, at its session, Deceniber 10, 1930, 
decided to revoke the suppression of the resolutions which had 
been passed at a Mass Meeting of the Ukrainian students of the 
Politechnicum at Lviv, after the breaking up of the general 
meeting of the "Osnova." We give below the text of those 
resolutions in full: ' 




The Ukrainian students of the Polytechnicum at Lviv, as- 
sembled at their meeting on November 30, 1930, state with 
indignation as follows: 

1 ) A group of Polish university students, led by Kolaczek and 
Kosowski, assistant professors of the Polytechnicum, broke into 
the meeting of the Society of the Ukrainian Students of Lviv 
Polytechnicum "Osnova," which was held on November 30, 1930, 
in the hall of the Polytechnicum No. 10, with the permission of 
the Rector of the Polytechnicum and in the presence of a delegate 
of the Senate of the Polytechnicum. This group broke the doors, 
entered the hall and by means of vulgar abuses attempted to 
provoke a reaction on the part of the student participating in the 
meeting of their society. Only thanks to a dignified attitude of the 
Ukrainian students a bloodshed was prevented. 

3) The representative of the Senate, terrorized by this 
attack, did not take the side of the Ukrainian students but 
dissolved the meeting of the "Osnova," thus approving the provoca- 
tion and the uncivilized behavior. 

3) This incident is another instance of the provocation by 
the Polish students, conducted systematically which the purpose 
of making it impossible for Ukrainian students to study in Polish 
higher school. Out of a whole series of such actions we may 
enumerate a few, such as taking away from Ukrainian students 
caps and insignia, beating them up within the walls of the 
Polytechnicum, destroying the bulletin board of the "Osnova" 


for four limes, forcefully ejecting 16 students from the Poly- 
technic dormitories in Dublany, near Lviv, and so on. 

4) The Ukrainian students have always stood on the stand- 
point that their normal studies would be possible only in Ukra- 
inian higher schools and decisively demand that Ukrainian higher 
schools be opened in Lviv. 

{"Dilo/' Lviv, December 18, 1930). 

{The Polish censor had suppressed the above resolutions. 
What could be his reasons is open to a guess. The court decided 
that there is no justification for the suppression and released the 
report. In the meantime, of course, the publishers had to print 
another issue. 

The report gives a conception what "sports" are popular 
among Polish students of universities and technical schools in 
Poland. Neither the students nor the assistants of the school who 
led the assault upon their co-students of the Ukrainian race ivere 
punished or even questioned about their acts, either by the courts 
or the Politechnicum authorities. — Ed.) 




In connection with the current events in our land, we quote 
those articles of the Polish constitution that speak of the protec- 
tion of property and limbs of Polish citizens and of the seeking of 
redress of the rights in the case such a protection fails. 

The Article 95 of the Constitution states : 


The Article 98 says : 



The Article 121, says : 


Don't wave the hands as if to say, "This is as much as to 
bring a suit to God." By the law may be benefitted only those 
who know how to draw that benefit. Pacifications cannot exist 
forever. The period of elections, too, will pass, and the great 
losses of national property and the physical torments should not 
be passed by. 

The numbers of the badges of the gendarmes should be re- 
membered and marked down, as well as the voyvodship to which 
they belong (those having No. 8, on their sleeves, belong to the 
voyvodship of Lviv, No. 9, to that of Tarnopol, No. 10, to that of 
Stanislaviv), the name of the commisar of the commandant of the 
military detachment. Further should be remembered the names 
of the witnesses of the damages done and of the physical torments 
inflicted, and immediately after the event people should be called 
to appraise the damages done and eventually to testify on it before 
the court on oath. 

It is before all the duty of district cooperative unions, of the 
district offices of the "Prosvita" (Enlightenment) and of intellec- 
tuals to preserve all the data that might render possible seeking 
of redress upon the only accessible road of law. Those who have 
been flogged should let themselves be examined by doctors, who 
should ascertain the damage done to the body. Do not drop your 
hands, but take up into your hands the matter of legal self-defense. 

("Dilo", Ukrainian daily, Lviv, October 5, 1930.) 


What will become of the losses which Ukrainian cooperatives 
have suffered lately as the result of the sustained damages ? 

We, cooperative workers, cannot accept the opinion which 
seems to be current. Thev say, "What kind of law is it that 


when before our very eyes the property of cooperatives is de- 
stroyed, the law remains silent? To be sure, those responsible 
for the defense of the law are not silent, but their talk does not 
go in the direction of the defense of the law, but in an altogether 
different direction. What of it that the Art. 99, of the Polish 
constitution considers every kind of property one of the most 
important foundations of the social system and public order, when 
valuable fruits of human labor are taken away for the purpose of 
simple destruction? What of it that the Art. 98, of the Polish 
constitution says that "all the punishments which entail physical 
tortures are prohibited and nobody should be subjected to such 
punishments", when dozens upon dozens of our best and most 
idealistic cooperative workers were subjected to such illegal pun- 
ishments without trial? There is no more law." 

Such an opinion cannot be accepted by cooperative workers. 
The phenomena of which cooperative workers complain of have 
to be viewed as violations of law, and it is our duty to take the 
rule of the defenders of the law. 

{The article then explains how the damages sustained by the coopera- 
tives should be ascertained, catalogued and reported to the central union of 
the Ukrainian cooperatives. — Ed.) 

"Hospodarsko-Kooperatyvny Chasopys" (Farming-Coopera- 
tive Periodical), in Ukrainian, Lviv, October 26, 1930. 

{The above appeals to the Ukrainians, the former coming from an 
influential political organ, the latter from an influential organ of cooper- 
atists, introduce us to the attitude of the Polish courts to the Polish 
atrocities in Ukraine. 

This is the topic of this chapter. 

An appeal to courts must have suggested itself to any one reading 
the preceding pages. As he, read the quotations from the Polish constitu- 
tion, he probably asked himself whether the Polish courts, those organs of 
government, created for the specific purpose of upholding the existing laws, 
could not be made to enforce the provisions of that constitution. As he 
read statements of various Polish administrative officers and then the denials 
from various Ukrainian sources, he surely asked himself, why couldn't the 
truth or untruth of such relevant matters be established by a trial as a result 
of an action at law? Now Ukrainians take this attitude and call their com- 
patriots to prepare to take matters into Polish courts. 

This fact needs an emphasis in view of the fact that the Polish pre- 
government press has spoken of bombs being planted by Ukrainian them- 
selves into their own institutions, with some purpose of self-destruction. 
The reader might perhaps discover in the above articles traces of some 


irritation, which are quite natural amidst the trying circumstances in which 
they were written, he will probably see how desparate appears the state of. 
the race to its leaders, but are those counsels of despair? Is there in them 
the conclusion that the fate of the race is already sealed, that all the means 
of struggle are already exhausted? 

The leaders of the Ukrainian parties and cooperatives refuse to take 
the attitude of despair. ^Not only do they refuse to think that their cause 
is lost, but they do not give up the belief that something may be accom- 
plished by legal m^ans. They haven't even given up the legal methods-. 
This is noteworthy in view of the charges broadcast by the Polish side 
charges to the effect that all the Ukrainian politicians and cooperatists and 
educators and sportsmen are revolutionists, and the Ukrainian revolutionary 
group has proclaimed persistently that the Ukrainian has nothing to expect 
from legal methods. 

As this book treats only of the relations of the Polish courts to the 
Polish atrocities in Ukraine, it has to be stated passingly that a Ukrainian 
appealing to the Polish court has special difficulties to overcome. Even if 
the matter under trial does not refer directly to inter-racial relations of the 
country, the Poles remeynber well that this court used to be a Russian or 
an Austrian court. When a Pole is opposed by a Ukrain he might remember 
that this is a Ukrainian province, that a certain time, no matter how short, 
a Ukrainian court had been in session here. All this intensifies the Pole's 
feeling that this court should side with him against his Ukrainian opponent, 
this low aggressor, that this court should be his. The more insecure he 
feels about the matter in dispute, the more emphasis he would place upon 
the appeal to this- sentiment of the fudge and the fury. This is done by 
'various ways; He or his lawyer makes an issue out of the opponenfs use 
of the Ukrainian language in his depositions; the Pole' s service in the 
Polish army, during the Ukrainian war- is brought in; or the Ukrainian is 
■^■ef erred by one of the opprobrious names ivhich the Poles like to use to 
designate Ukrainians. ' ■ . 

Th'e trials in Polish courts of Ukrainians are full of such 'matters. 

Public prosecutors tvrite their indictments against the Ukrainians as if they 
were not -functionaries of the machinery of justice, but gingoistic spell- 
binders: Police spies and provocateurs are permitted to state hearsay, to 
take for granted facts which had not been proved, to express from such 
evidence far-fetched conclusions, and their opinions are respected by the 
court as if they were 'unCpnfwv^rtible proofs of facts tecpgniz^d as such by 
the .fury, ^ after a thorough jnvesHgatioti^ and sifting :of.\evid^qnce, [fujiges 
indulge in attacks against th&stateinents of f^cts; in Ukrainian testimoriies 
if these statements are contrary to the current prejudices of the Polish 
govemfnen't, public or press. There is 'little wOnde'r Wat rnany Ukrainians 
prefer to give up- their most just rights than'^sue them in Polish courts.' ' ■'' 


// such is the jate of a Ukrainian in matters of dispute between Polish 
and Ukrainian individuals, what is the positioji of a Ukrainian in all those 
cases in which the relations between the Poles and the Ukrainians are 
relevant matters? (Such were surely all the matters pertaining to the questions 
arising out of the Polish "pacification'' of the Ukrainian provinces.) And 
still the Ukrainians go into the Polish courts. If there are important ques- 
tions of the Polish administration involved in the "pacification," such as: 
the question of corporal punishment, of justice by of administrative pro- 
ceedure, of collective responsibility of the Ukrainians or of Ukrainian or- 
ganizations for the acts of every Ukrainian member of the race or the 
organization, and so on, let those matters be authoritatively decided by the 
court. The Ukrainian political and cooperatist leaders refuse to take the 
word of the Polish press or the Polish civilian organizations for such an 

What was then the reply of the Polish courts to those questions? — Ed.) 




Lviv (Lemberg), November 13, 1930.— The Polish police 
searched the offices of various Ukrainian physicians at Lviv, seek- 
ing photographs of Ukrainian people flogged by the Polish puni- 
tive expeditions. 

The police searched the offices of the follov^^ing physicians: 
Dr. Ivan Kurovets, Director of the Ukrainian hospital "Narodna 
Lichnytsya"; Dr. Tytus Burachynsky, Dr. Markian Dzerovych, Dr. 
Yaroslav Hynelevych, Dr. Vasyl Kashubynsky, Dr. Rostyslav Bilas 
and Dr. Bohdan Makarushka. 

"Svoboda", the Ukrainian Daily, Jersey City, New Jersey, 

December 3, 1930. 





Lviv (Lemberg), November 28. — The Polish police arrested 
in the city of Tarnopol five Ukrainian lawyers and detained them 


in prison. In the office of each of them the Polish police made a 
thorough search and confiscated all the depositions which were 
given to the lawyers by the Ukrainian victims of Polish atrocities 
in Galicia. In this manner the government intends to deprive the 
Ukrainians of all possibility of bringing into the courts any action 
for damages done by the punitive expeditions or various Polish 
organizations and persons. The police charge that the taking of 
such depositions of the victims or witnesses is high treason. 

Among those arrested are the lawyers : Dr. Alexander Oliy- 
nyk, Dr. Volodymyr Lysy, Dr. Ivan Yakymchuk, Dr. Dmytro 
Ladyka and Dr. Luke Onuferko. 

Similar searches and arrests are carried out in other cities of 
Eastern Galicia. 


As we have already reported, there were arrested in the city 
of Tarnopol on November 22, 1930, the lawyers, Dr. Alexander 
Olinyk and Dr. Volodymyr Lysy, and on the following day three 
more lawyers, namely : Dr. Ivan Yakymchuk, Dr. Dmytro Ladyka, 
now a deputy to the Polish Sejm, and Dr. Luke Onuferko. They 
were charged with political espionage according to section 1 and 
5 of the decree of the President of Poland dated February 16, 
1928, which they are said to have committed by taking depositions 
from their clients injured in the so-called pacification. 

After a few days the said lawyers were released, but the in- 
vestigation against them for the crime charged continues. 

Charged with the same crime there were also arrested the 
lawyer Dr. Yaroslav Selezinka of Radekhiv and his wife, Mrs. 
Nina Selezinka, who have so far been detained in the prison of 
Zolochiv about six weeks. 

The Polish police has charged that the above lawyers took 
the depositions from their clients with the purpose of sending 
them abroad and to use them there politically against Poland to 
illustrate the methods of pacification. 

In this matter Dr. Vasyl Paneyko of Paris has already filed 
a special complaint with the League of Nations at Geneva, in 
care of the League's General Secretary Mr. Eric Drummond, in 
which he gave a detailed account of the causes of the arrests of 
the six lawyers. The text of the complaint cannot be here given 
for fear of being suppressed by the Polish censor. 

("Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, Lemberg, No .277, Saturday, De- 
cember 13, 1930.) 





(Special correspondence to "Svoboda") 

LVIV (Lemberg). — Five Ukrainian lawyers were arrested in 
the city of Tarnopol and jailed by the Polish police. Among them 
are: Dr. Alexander Olinyk, Dr. Volodymyr Lysy, Dr. Ivan Yakym-, 
chuk, Dr. Dmytro Ladyka and Dr. Luke Onuferko. In the law 
offices of each of them a thorough search was made and the po- 
lice confiscated all statements and depositions which had been 
made by the clients of those lawyers regarding the recent events 
in Galicia. 

The purpose of these raids was to deprive the Ukrainians of 
the possibility of bringing suit in court against the criminal acts 
and recovering damages which had been inflicted upon them by the 
so-called punitive expeditions or by various attacks of Polish or- 
ganizations or individuals. ■ 

The Polish police treat as criminals the lawyers who take 
such depositions from victims and witnesses to draw complaints 
against the police in Polish courts. With this purpose in view 
Polish authorities in Galicia make use of the decree of the Presi- 
dent of the Polish republic dated February 24, 1928, which wid- 
ened the old interpretation of military espionage by the Austrian 
government so as to include the so-called "political and economic 
£spibnage." On the basis of this decree the Polish police con- 
duct raids and arrest Ukrainian lawyers, doctors and social work- 
ers, charging them with espionage and high treason. 

A section of this decree reads ; • ;: 

....,:■ 'Whoever, intentionally reVeals to another person information, docurri%hts 
or other objects \yhich in view of th^ welfare of the Polish nation should be 
Icepf secret from the government of any other nation, shall be subject to impris- 
onment for five years." 

,,,; , AnQtlier section reads :. _ .; ; <j:' : .r:;;':v vih:\-V''^- '■■ ^;''-'-. ■ -• 

f-; '"VVhqeyer ihtentignally and without authorization collects iriformatioti, or 
;pecures documents, enumerated, ill Sectipri 1, or rriakes efiforts to secure them or 
become acquainted vi;i,th th.em, shgU be subj-ect to three years imprisonment." 

On the grounds of these queer sections were recently arrested 
Dr, Selezhika, the lawyer at Radekhiv, and his wife. The "crime" 
'df "Dr. Selezinka' consists of taking, in his office, the, deposition 


of his clients about Polish brutalities. The arrest of the five above- 
mentioned lawyers leaves little doubt as to the threat of the 
Polish authorities that they would arrest under the charge of 
espionage all the Ukrainian lawyers, physicians and social workers 
who would represent in court those who had suffered from Polish 
punitive expeditions or in general those who had suffered from 
Polish persecutions. The President of the Polish republic him- 
self, by, his decree, has deprived the inhabitants of Poland of the 
right and possibility of defending themselves against tortures and 
illegal treatment by the authorities. 

("Svoboda", Ukrainian daily, Jersey City, N. J., December 
15, 1930.) 

{The arrests of the lawyers and physicians were evidently illegal. Those 
intellectuals were bound in their profession to render assistance to those who 
feel themselves wronged and seek a legal decision of the courts of justice 
on their grievances. 

That the arrests had not been justified ivas admitted later by the Polish 
government when they were released with no charges pending against them. 

They were released, however, only after a detention for a considerable 
period of time, in some cases for many weeks. In the meantime, of course, 
their cases dropped or suffered great damage. Some of them tvere deprived 
forever of all the possibility of suing their grievances in the court of law. 

The doctors and latvyers tvere detained on one of the inost serious 
charges, that of high treason, which carries in most cases the threat of 
aeath punishment. It was evidently a threat, one of the most telling threats 
a government can voice. This makes the purpose of the arrests evident: 
they were to intimidate lawyers and physicians from making or attesting 
depositions, and the victims of the atrocities themselves from tnaking legal 
complaints in the courts. 

The terror is a clear case of tampering ivith the evidence any govern- 
ment may be guilty of. It is a deplorable interference with justice, the 
more deplorable as carried by those organs whose duty it is to uphold justice 
and to right the tvrongs. It is a deplorable interference with justice since 
it is done before the court was given an opportunity to pass upon the justice 
of the grievance. It is deplorable because the government is seen to act in 
it like a criminal mho having committed one crime commits another in order 
to obliterate the traces of the first. 

The Polish government is guilty of other similar acts. Parallels to it 
we may find in the suppression of neivspaper reports by the Polish censor, 
m impeding foreign investigations, and the arrests of foreign correspondents. 



but while those investigations might he excused on the ground that foreigners 
have no right to meddle into the internal affairs of Poland {if Poland had 
not admitted the right of the Allies and the League of Nations for such or 
similar meddling and if Poland herself had not invited foreign correspond- 
ents for such an investigation'), these investigations by lawyers and physi- 
cians are part and parcel of the administration of justice to the citizens of 
Poland, be they of non-Polish race, and all the terror against those who can 
make such appeals to the courts is nothing short of the refusal of the right 
to appeal to the court for the adjudication of the grievance. 

The arrests, of course, have greatly impeded the collection of evidence 
of the Polish atrocities in Ukraine. — Ed.) 




The following are copies of formal court papers as they are 
filed with the District Court of Horodenka, in Eastern Galicia. 


To the District Court of Horodenka. 

The "Narodny Dim" (National Home), a registered coopera- 
tive, with home offices at Horodenka, represented by its director 
Dr. Teophile Okunevsky, lawyer of Horodenka, brings herewith an 
action against unknown culprits. 

A motion is herewith made for official authentication of evi- 
dence for the purpose of ascertaining the amount of damages 
sustained by the "Narodny Dim" in Horodenka done by unknown 
perpetrators on October 6, 1930. 

On October 6, 1930, about 8 o'clock in the morning some 50 
armed people entered the court of the "National Home" in Horo- 
denka and broke the windows, door sashes and floors of the hall 
of the "Narodny Dim," as well as the rooms of the club, "Besida" 
(Discourse) and "Mishchanska Rodyna" (Burgher Family). 

They tore off the tin roof from the porch of the so-called 
theater hall, completely demolished the stage and tore down the 

To this "work" they drove, with sticks and whips, passers-by 
from the street. 

The names of the persons who have done this damage are 
not known yet in full to the "Narodny Dim", as the persons were 


The building of the "Narodny Dim" cannot remain in its 
present condition for since the roof leaks, the building's walls and 
roof may cave in, and through open windows anybody having 
such desire may climb in and carry away various objects that 
were left behind. 

In view of this state of affairs, the directors of the "Narodny 
Dim" in Horodenka appeal the court for safeguarding the evidence 
in accordance with sections 384 and 385 of the code of Civil Pro- 
cedure, to wit : 

1. that the Court order an inspection of the "Narodny Dim" 
and its internal furnishings ; 

2. that the Court order an estimate of the damages sus- 
tained to be taken; 

3. that the Court order an examination of the persons who 
witnessed the incident. 

The management of the "Narodny Dim" recommends the fol- 
lowing persons as experts (follow the names of recommended 

(The names of the directors follow.) 


To the above complaint the "Narodny Dim" in Horodenka 
received the following decision of the Polish district court at 
Horodenka : 

The complaint of the "Narodny Dim", regist. cooperative, 
Ltd., in care of its director Dr. Theophile Okunevsky, lawyer at 
Horodenka, against unknown culprits for the ascertainment of 
damages sustained in the building of the "Narodny Dim" at Horo- 
denka done by unknown persons on October 6, 1930, is herewith 
rejected because this complaint carries the earmarks of a political 
demonstration against the administrative-police officers who, car- 
rying out their criminal inquiries for the purpose of disclosing 
those guilty of acts of sabotage which take the form of burning 
of other people's property in Eastern Little Poland, as well as in 
the district of Horodenka — have ordered, on October 6, 1930, 
among other things, a search of the offices of the "Narodny Dim" 
in Horodenka as one suspected, the search being carried out by 
the organs of the State Police, a fact which is well known to the 
management of the "Narodny Dim", since this fact is notorious. 
The allegation of the Management of the "Narodny Dim", 
that on that particular day the house of the "Narodny Dim" was- 
invaded by about fifty armed unknown persons who destroyed 


the;rein the windows, doors, floors and roof, is an evident untruth 
and has therefore the character of an obvious poHtical demonstra- 
tion against the authorities which ordered and carried out this 
search. , 

For the above given reasons the appHcation of the "Narodny 
Dim" is dismissed as one inadmissible in law. 

(Signed) Wydra, the President of the District Court. 



of the "Narodny Dim" (National Home), a regist. cooperative, 
Ltd., in Horodenka, to the County Court at Kolomea, against the. 
decision of the district court of Horodenka, of October U, 1930, 
by which the application of the "Narodny Dim" of Horodenka for, 
insurance of evidence for the purpose of ascertaining and assess- 
ing damages sustained by the building of the "Narodny Dim" 
at Horodenka by unknown culprits on October 6, 1930, was re- 

The lower court rejected the application for the ascertain- 
ment of damages on the sole ground that this application has 
apparent earmarks of a political demonstration against the admin- 
istrative-police authorities, who had carried out, on October 6, 
1930, in the "Narodny Dim" at Horodenka, a search, or, to speak 
more truly, a reprisal. 

This motivation is in striking conflict with the basic laws of 
the constitution, and especially with the article 98, which says, 
"No law shall deprive a citizen of the Polish Republic of the right 
to seek redress for his injury or loss in the courts". 

In this case the court of Horodenka closes this road and 
prevents the seeking of redress under pretext that this is a mere 
political demonstration against the administrative-police author- 

Article 121 of the basic laws says that every citizen has the 
right to seek redress for damages done to him by the organs of 
the government through their official activities, which are con- 
trary to the laws or duties of service. 

It means that the constitutional law admits the possibility 
of behavior of administrative authorities contrary to the laws 
and does not classify seeking redress for damages sustained, as 
an inadmissible political demonstration. 

Minister Skladowski himself has been quoted in semi-ofiicial 
newspapers as well as by the metropolitan Sheptytsky as stating 


that damages which the pohce authorities had done while carrying 
out their reprisals, — and it surely was no search, but a reprisal, — 
will be restituted to those who have suffered them. And here 
the district court of Horodenka refuses to ascertain the damages 

The lower court sees a ground for its refusal of the applica- 
tion in the damages sustained by the acts of sabotage in our 
country. But nobody has proved that the management or mem- 
bers of the "Narodny Dim" were guilty of sabotage or incendi- 
arisms. Nor was ever any connection with those guilty of sabot- 
age proved against the members of any other institution which 
has its offices in the ''Narodny Dim", as for instance, the "Narodna 
Torhovla" (National Store), the bookstore, the District Bank, or 
"Besida" (Discourse). 

That the police did not consider their activities as a search is 
attested by the fact that they failed to notify the management 
of the "Narodny Dim" of the purpose of the search, did not call 
any of them to be present at this search, as they were obliged to 
do by section 149 of the code of criminal procedure, — but pro- 
ceeded at once to break the windows, doors, and other parts of 
the building. 

How can an innocent institution be punished for a crime which 
was committed by somebody elsewhere ? 

Such a general responsibility of communes and of whole na- 
tions was in force in Russia, but never in Central Europe, and 
the introduction of it into our country would be a lowering of our 
culture to the level prevalent in Asia. 

Besides, in this case the application was not for ascertaining 
damages, — this will be decided by another court, — and for the 
present it is irrelevant who has done the damage, and for this 
reason the lower judge should admit the process of insuring the 
evidence in accordance with the decisions of the Supreme Court. 

The lower judge concludes by charging, not without irritation, 
that the management of the "Narodny Dim" does not speak the 
truth when it says that about fifty armed men entered the court 
of the "Narodny Dim" and did damage, for, he says, it is obvious 
that it was the police who were carrying out the search! 

Are searches carried out in such a manner as illustrated by 
the photograph, given as exhibit, of the "Narodny Dim" following 
the visit of the police on October 6. 1930? Let this question be 
decided with greater calm, by the higher judge of appeals. The 
lower judge even erred in convincing the management of the 


"Narodny Dim" that they personally knew those fifty men who 
took part in the search. 

In view of the fact that the end of Article 121 of the constitu- 
tion states that the government of Poland is not responsible for 
the illegal acts of its police, the management of the "Narodny 
Dim" is compelled to seek redress from individual policemen and 
those who sent them. The names of the policemen should be 
known and above everything else the amount of damages should 
be assessed. 

Therefore the charge of an evident political demonstration is 
erroneous and unjust. 

In view of this, the management of the "Narodny Dim" at 
Horodenka applies for the reversal of the above decision and the 
admission of ascertainment of the damages and its estimate. 

In the name of the management of the "Narodny Dim" in 
Horodenka : 

(Signed) Dr. T. Okunevsky and others. 


The decision of the District Court at Kolomyja. 
The District Court of Kolomyja, District No. 3. 
Dated November 5, 1930. 
Lcz. 1.3.640/30 


The District Court of Kolomyja, Division 1, in the matter of 
the cooperative "Narodny Dim", acting through its director Dr. 
Teophile Okunevsky in Horodenka, for the safeguarding of evidence 
against the unknown culprits, as a result of the appeal of the 
appelants from the decision of the District Court at Horodenka 
dated November 11, 1930, Lcz.II.Nc. 35/30/2 has taken the follow- 
ing decision: 

The appeal is rejected and the decision appealed is confirmed. 

Motivation : The safeguarding of the evidence before the be- 
ginning of court proceedings has for its purpose the utilization of 
the evidence in future litigation (section 384 of the Article 1. and 
sect. 389 of the Art. l.pc). 

When such a litigation is inadmissable, then also the safe- 
guarding of the evidence is inadmissable. 

According to the purport of the motion, supplemented by the 
purport of the appeal, the matter in question is to safeguard the 
damages done by the organs of the State Police by their official 
acts contrary to the duties of their office. - 


Art. 121. of the Constitution of the Polish RepubHc, dated 
March 17, 1921, as published in the Official Reports of the Laws 
of the Polish Republic, No. 44. of 1922, Pos. 267, in the text fixed 
by the law of August 2, 1926, as reported by the Official Reports 
of the Laws of the Polish Republic for 1926, No. 78, pos. 443. reads : 

"Every citizen has the right to remuneration of damages 
which have been done to him by the organs of the State author- 
ities, civil or military, in the course of official activities contrary 
to the law or duties of the office ; the State being responsible for 
the damages on an equal basis with the guilty organs, and bring- 
ing an action against the State and against State officials is not 
dependent upon any permission of public authorities. Likewise 
responsible are communes and other self-governing bodies as well 
as their organs. 

"The operation of this principle is outlined by special laws." 

These special laws have not as yet been passed. In view of 
this, the old orders are still in force, that is, the Imperial Decree 
of March 14, 1806, No. 756 of the Collection of Judicial Laws. 
According to it, an official of the State could never be sued before 
a civil court on account of his official acts and thus a civil judge 
is obhged ex officio to reject at once all such lawsuits brought 
against State officials regarding their official acts. 

Because in this case a suit against the officers of the State 
Police would be inadmissible, the safeguarding of the evidence, 
if directed against these functionaries, is likewise inadmissible. 

For these reasons the decision for which appeal was made is 
to be confirmed. — (Signed) Wagner. 

That this is a true verdict is attested by the chief clerk of 
the court office, Fasowski, mp. 

(The above documents exemplify what redress the Ukrainians find 
in Polish courts. 

Polish courts do not hesitate to admit that the raid by armed men, 
which carried all the earmarks of an act of hooliganism, was an official act 
of the Polish police. It is, by the way, typical of the Polish courts to know 
the actions of the police authoritatively though one could expect that the 
official character of such a raid be ascertained only during the court pro- 
ceedings to follow. This points to a close cooperation between the police, 
making raids, and the courts, — a fact to which the people of free countries 
are not accustomed. 

The declaration of Mr. Skladowski, the Polish Minister of the Interior, 
promising a redress against the police authorities for the damages done by 
them illegally, is very characteristic of the Polish government. The wronged 
parties in this case quote Mr. Skladowski' s words as given by semi-official 


newspapers. The same Minister later repeated his promise in the Polish 
parliament, when in answer to the interpellation of the Ukrainian deputies, 
he, — as was reported by the Associated Press jrom Warsaw on January 9, 
1931, — assured the Deputies that a thorough investigation was proceeding 
and that those guilty of abuses would be punished. Such declarations pub- 
lished and republished are usually given wide publicity abroad, where they 
are swallowed, hook, line and sinker. 

Such denials are usually accompanied by the assurances of the liberal- 
ism of Polish political institutions. The Polish Constitution and laws are 
then quoted, such as, for example, fundamental principles of the Polish 
Constitution, quoted above both by the Polish courts and the Ukrainians, 
that a citizen of Poland urronged by State officials has the right of redress 
both to the State and the officials. When a foreign reader hears that the 
Polish Constitution adapted such a "liberal" principle in 1921, and then 
restated it in 1926, there will be no doubt left in his mind as to liberal, 
progressive, constitutional, parliamentary, genuinely Western character of 
the Polish political structure. 

But what is the practical value of such a fine constitution for the 
citizen of Poland? Has he really redress promised him by the Constitution 
in case he is really wronged by the acts of State functionaries? The above 
mentioned Polish court answers the question authoritatively, stating explic- 
itly that though there is such a principle of official responsibility for the 
acts of State officials incorporated into the Polish Constitution, and though 
the principle was restated, no law has as yet been passed to carry into effect 
the said liberal principle. Thus the liberal principle is in the Polish Con- 
stitution, ready for export and foreign use, but it has no value for the 
citizens of the Polish Republic. For them, it is as good as non-existent. 
It merely cheats them and makes them believe that they possess something 
which promotes their well-being. Instead of the liberal protection against 
the abuses of State officials, the citizens have the "protection" of a "court 
decree" 125 years old, a "decree" transformed into a law by the Austrian 
emperor in 1806, which is two generations before the inception of the 
constitutional era in Austria. 

It may be added to this that a number of Ukrainian and Czech lawyers 
expressed their opinion that the above stand of the Polish courts is based 
upon a false interpretation of 1\he Imperial Decree of March 14, 1906; 
in their opinion, the Decree exempted only the true officials of the state, 
hut made the so-called servants of the state, among them the police, answer- 
able for the damages done to subjects, when performing their official duty. 

The documents were reprinted in the "Dilo", the Ukrainian nationalist 
daily, of Lviv. — "Ed.). 





Julian Hoshovsky, student of the Commercial Academy, 
resident of Berezhnytsya near Stry, was tried, on November 10, 
before a jury and the tribunal of the court in Lviv, presided by 
Mr. Jagodzinski. 

Hoshovsky was arrested by a policeman on April 19. The 
policeman alleged that he found in Hoshovsky's possession some 
circulars. During a search at Hoshovsky's home nothing (in- 
criminating) was found. The public prosecutor charged Ho- 
shovsky with high treason and disturbance of public peace. The 
accused had been already convicted on a previous occasion, in 
a political trial, to ten months' imprisonment. 

On the ground of the verdict of the jury, who confimied all 
the questions put to them, Hoshovsky was sentenced to three 
years' imprisonment. 

{"Dilo,^' Ukrainian daily, Lviv, November 12, 1930). 

(This is a conviction of a Ukrainian, ivho was not a student 
of a Ukrainian school, there being no higher Ukrainian school on 
the entire Ukrainian territory under Poland. 

The conviction followed the testimony of one man. That 
was enough to convince the jury of the defendant's guilt and to 
send him to jail for three years. — Ed.) 


With the conclusion of elections to the Seym and Senate, there 
have been started a series of criminal trials against the Ukrainians 
who had been arrested in connection with the elections, and this is 
a long time before the election day. The trials reveal the complete 
baselessnes of the police arrests, as a result of which the Ukrain- 
ians detained in jails under the pretext that the prevention of 
crimes demanded this, were deprived of their ballot. 

Thus on December 5, 1930, Ivan Berko, of Zabolotsi, district 
of Radymno, was tried by the district court at Peremyshl for the 


crime of violating the Sect. 3, of the decree of the President of the 
PoUsh Republic, dated November 12, 1930, No, 64, w^hich was sup- 
posed to have committed by alleged negative and false criticism of 
the list No. 1, (the list of the pro-government party B. B. — Ed.) 
uttered "with the purpose of influencing the electors in a stealthy 
manner." The trial proved the defendant's full innocence and he 
was released. 

On December 12, 1930, the trial of Danko Drapala, of Chudovy- 
tchi, near Porokhnyk, already adjourned twice, was held. The 
defendant was indicted for the same crime. He had been detained 
for six weeks for the purpose of investigation. The trial ended with 
a complete acquittal of the accused. 


On December 16, 1930, there began before the jury of the 
district court of Sambir a series of criminal political trials. 

The first day was fixed for the trial of Ivan Dankivsky, ex- 
pupil of the teachers' college, of Bykiv; Paul Semkiv, a farmer; and 
Elias Ilechka, a farmer. The three were charged in the indict- 
ment act that they had joined in 1930, the Ukrainian Military 
Organization, that they distributed the "Surma" (The Clarion) in 
this manner that Dankivsky passed it to Semkiv, and Semkiv to 
Ilechka. In this manner they perpetrated the crime of the Sec- 
tions 58 and 59 of the Criminal Code (high treason, — Ed.). 

Both the president of the tribunal and the members of the jury 
at the very outset of examination, expressed their dissatisfaction 
because the defendants were making their depositions in Ukrainian, 
as is their right. 

The entire testimony presented at the trial gave no proofs 
that the accused had at any time joined the Ukrainian Military 
Organization. There were against them only their own state- 
ments, which they revoked completely at the trial, to the effect 
that Dankivsky handed over to Semkiv, one copy of the "Surma", 
which was found later during a search in Semkiv's possesion. Be- 
sides, in the possession of Ilechka there was found a written copy 
of "The Ten Commandments of the Nationalist". This was the 
basis of conviction of the three defendants for the felony of high 
treason and sentencing the first two defendants to four years' im- 
prisonment, and the third one to two years of imprisonment. 

"Dilo", Lviv, December 25, 1930. 




At the public prosecutor's order, Julian Holovinsky, the com- 
mandant of the Ukrainian Military Organization, suspected of 
the organization of the attempted attack on post office truck in 
July, 1930, was confronted in Bibrka today with the witnesses 
of the incident and other persons who could identify the per- 
petrators. As Holovinsky was returning to the railroad station 
at Hlibovychi, he took advantage of the fact that one of the 
policemen escorting him stopped, struck with his fist another 
policeman and tried to run away. The other policeman went 
after him in pursuit and fired after Holovinsky six times; one 
of the bullets struck Holovinsky in the head and killed him on the 
spot. The body was detained for the medical autopsy. 

"Dilo," Lviv, October 2, 1930. 


The late captain of the Ukrainian Galician Army, was born 
on December 1, 1894, in Radymno, near the city of Peremyshl. 
He graduated from the Gymnasium at Peremyshl. He served 
during the world war in the 30th regiment of the Austrian in- 
fantry on the Italian front, where he won for his bravery many 
military decorations and the rank of lieutenant. After the fall 
of Austria, he returned to Lubeliv, where his mother lived. He 
commanded later the Sixth brigade in the Ukrainian Galician 
Army. This brigade, after the victory over the Bolsheviki, was 
the first to march into Kiev, on August 30, 1919. When the 
decomated detachments of the army had been forced to unite with 
the Bolsheviki, he continued to act as a commandant of a corps 
but he came to dislike them and tried to break through to insur- 
gents. In this he failed, and after long sufferings, due to 
typhus and hunger, he fell with the remnants of the army into the 
hands of the Poles as a prisoner. 

He became acquainted with the misery of the prisoners' 
camp at Frydryhowka and Jazlowiec, and found himself in the 
end in detention camps in Josefov, in Bohemia, and in Brno, in 


Moravia. Here he studied veterinary. Having graduated he 
returned to his native land, but failing to have his diplomas 
recognized, he acted as a commissary merchant. He married in 
1926. In the same year he was arrested in connection with the 
assassination of Curator Sobinski, but was released after 14 
months' imprisonment. He bought a taxi busines in Chesaniv, 
where he worked to the very month of July of 1930. In that 
month he made preparations to move to Peremyshl. On Septem- 
ber 20, he was arrested, and ten days later he died a tragic 
death on the highway between Hlibovychi and Bibrka. 

He was buried on the cemetery in Hlibovychi in the presence 
of his wife, two daughters and a brother. The ceremony was 
performed by Rev. Bobovyk. 

["Dilo;' October 5, 1930). 


It is reported from the city of Zalishchyky that policeman 
Joseph Wacyk arrested in Zalishchyky Michael Bodnar, pupil of 
the VII grade of Gymnasium, on the charge of sabotage. As 
the policeman was arresting Bodnar, he, it is alleged, snatched the 
revolver from the policeman's hand; another policeman, however, 
disarmed Bodnar. Bodnar is alleged to have confessed his part 
in the arsons in the district of Borshchiv. When Bodnar was 
taken to the prison in Zalishchyky, he tried to escape. Police- 
man Wacyk fired and killed him. The body was taken to the 
morgue at Bobrivlany. 

("Novy Chas," Ukrainian triweekly, Lviv, October 1, 1930). 

(7 refrain from taking a sample of vulgar campaign of abuse into 
which the Polish press indulged on the death of Holovinsky and by ivhich 
that press attempted to justify the Polish police in killing the dangerous 
man. It never made that press think for a moment to give the benefit of 
doubt to the dead man ivho had not been tried yet and who could not defend 

The Ukrainian public refused to believe the story of his attempted 
escape. The man was shackled, was in the region with ivhich he was not 
familiar, the time and other circufnstances were so much against him not 
even a most desperate man could think of having any chance of escaping. 

The Ukrainian public knew that the phrase "killed while trying to 
escape" was a familiar one with the gendarmes of Tsarist Russia. It was 
the usual method of dealing with troublesome revolutionists. The Polish 
administration, composed as it is of the remnants of the three administra- 
tions of the respective sections of reconstructed Poland, is divided among 


themselves by a keen competition. The Polish public talks a great deal 
■about the dijferences between the Poles from the Polish Kingdom, those from 
Galicia, and those from Prussia. The Polish press writes of it occasionally, 
and even the correspondent of the London Times was told of it. Just as 
each of these groups remembers most vividly the manner in which it was 
treated by the government of the empire whose subject that section of Po- 
land was, so each strives to prove its efficiency primarily by its methods of 
ruling the subjugated races of Poland. As each remembers most vividly 
the highhanded method of government, so each tries to copy those methods 
in Its practical administration. Considering the other two forms of govern- 
ment inferior to its ow?i, each practices its own form with morbid thorough- 
ness. Thus the non-Polish races of Poland have now the opportunity to 
observe on themselves the workings of the worst features of the administra- 
tive systems of old Prussia, Austria and Russia. With Marshal Pilsudski 
in the role of actual dictator of Poland, the supremacy seems to be with 
the Poles of the Polish Kingdom, and with their system bequeathed by 
Tsarist Russia. 

The grave suspicions of the Ukrainians as to the circumstances of Holo- 
vynsky's death cannot be brought to a public trial. The only two methods 
possible to accomplish it would be to sue in the criminal court the policemen 
involved in the slaying of the man or to sue them civilly for the damages 
sustained by the family. The former is impossible as the Polish public 
prosecutor dictates who should be prosecuted, the latter, though apparently 
possible under the Polish constitution, is made impossible by the interpre- 
tation of the Polish laws by the Polish courts, of which the reader had op- 
portunity to learn in the action of the Ukrainian institution of Horodenka 
for the ascertainment of damages, preliminary to a suit for damages. 

An open discussion of the evidence in the press is made impossible 
by the Polish censorship. 

Is such a suppression of what must be admitted to be at least grave 
doubts a sound administrative policy? Is this a sensible method of ruling 
the people? Do such methods contribute to the pacification of the popu- 
lace? — Ed.^ 



(The struggle of the Ukrainians to save themselves against the physical 
wholesale assault of the Polish government and public against their race 
has taken us so far through several successive stages. Roughly, they were 


divided into an appeal to the administration authorities and to the courts.- 
The methods by ivhich the Polish government thwarted those ejforts were- 

The ejforts so jar portrayed have not exhausted yet fully the number 
of legal methods. There still remains another branch oj the government 
to which an appeal could be made in every democratic nation. This is the 
legislative branch oj the government. 

According to the customs oj legislative procedure, well established in 
all truly democratic nations, the parliament can jurnish various remedies 
jar the grievances oj citizens. It may pass a law prohibiting certain prac- 
tices. It may condemn the government oj a special department jar the 
violation oj laws. It may start an investigation oj abuses. A common 
introduction to such remedies is the so-called interpellation, by which a 
deputy asks the government \or a minister what is known to him about 
certain jacts and ij he does know about them how he excuses them. The 
cabinet oj the ministers or the particular minister "interpellated" replies, 
which is jollowed by a debate, in which take part not only those who asked 
the question, but also other members oj the house. The matter usually ends 
with the vote oj confidence to the cabinet or the minister. 

Any oj these remedies, ij successjul, supply already a certain remedy 
to those who jeel wronged. Even ij the cabinet or the minister questioned 
has not received a vote oj lack oj confidence, still the very danger oj it 
works towards mitigating the policy objected to. 

The Ukrainians naturally could not neglect so important a remedy. 
They appealed jor it to the Polish Seym. What kind oj remedy they asked, 
how they supported their request, how they were treated, — this is the topic 
oj this chapter. The topic is treated only as jar as a jull understanding oj 
the subject requires, and not jurther. 

The relation between the Polish atrocities in Ukraine and the Polish 
election oj 1930, must also be touched upon. These elections were marked 
by gross abuses on the part oj the Polish government itselj. The victims 
oj the abuses were not only the Ukrainians and other non-Polish races {White 
Russians, Lithuanians, jews, Germans) but also the Poles thetnselres. It is 
now claimed in some sections oj the Polish public that the so-called paciji- 
cation oj Ukraine was merely an item in the parliamentary game oj the 
Polish dictatorship, which is an effort to terrorize Ukrainian voters into 
voting jor the government or at least into keeping away jrom the polls. 
On the other hand, says Mr. Ernest Lilian, the Ukrainiatts, though admitting 
that the Polish government oppresses some classes opposed to the class rep- 
resented by the Government, still jeel that they are persecuted also explicitly 
jor their race, jor being Ukrainians. In other words, all that the Polish 
government demands oj the Poles oj the Opposition is that they should 


cease to oppose the Government, while the Ukrainians are considered an 
Opposition as long as they consider themselves Ukrainians. 

This is the same controversy which was stated already at previous occa- 
sions. Now we look into the Polish Parliament to see what light can the 
Polish legislature throw upon the problem of the so-called pacification of 
Ukraine. — Ed. ) 



Mr. Ernest Lilian, a Detroiter of Polish descent, wrote to the 
"Detroit News", a letter to protest against the Ukrainian charges 
voiced at a mass protest meeting of Detroit Ukrainians to the 
effect that "the beating of Ukrainian men, women and children by 
Polish troops, the suppression of Ukrainian culture, the shutting 
down of Ukrainian schools and many similar acts were aimed at 
the annihilation by the Polish government of the Ukrainian nation- 
ality". Mr. Lilian said in that letter, published by the "Detroit 
News", on November 19, 1930: 

"Were I a Polish patriot in the conventional sense, I should have denied 
all these charges as the inventions of German and Bolshevik propagandists," 
Mr, Lilian said. "But I am not going to do it. While I have not been in 
Poland for 15 years, I have followed closely events in my country and I know 
that there is a considerable element of truth in these charges. 

"But the charges themselves are exaggerated. Not only is the number of 
persons killed, whipped or arrested grossly overestimated, but the very motives 
for these crimes — for which, I insist, there is no excuse — are misrepresented. 

"Ukrainian spokesmen would have us believe that the punitive expeditions 
are directed wholly against Ukrainians ; that their sole purpose is to wipe out 
the Ukrainian nationality. This is not so. While the government arrested 16 
Ukrainian deputies to the Polish Sejm, or parliament, it also arrested 64 Polish 

"The terrorism of Pilsudski has been directed against his political opposition, 
Poles as well as Ukrainians, and there is no motive in it of suppression of 
national minority groups. 

"The Polish foreign minister, Zaleski, recently declared that all the arrests 
of the Ukrainians were legitimate. Perhaps they were in accordance with legal 
law, but I doubt their accordance with moral law. 

"The trouble with the government of the country of my birth is that it 
has absorbed too much of the Bismarckian spirit of 'Macht vor Recht,' or, as 
you call it in English, 'Might is Right.' Twelve years ago the Poles were one 
of the most liberty loving people in the world. Today, Pilsudski's place among 
the world's statesmen is somewhere alongside of Mussolini, and the policies of 
these two are a menace to world peace." 


The Special Correspondent of the "Manchester Guardian", 
wrote in "The Manchester Guardian Weekly", of July 4, 1930, in 
one of the articles giving the results of his tour in Poland: 


If history teaches anything at all it is that the oppressed become the op- 
pressors. The Poles have achieved national freedom, but national freedom is 
not the same thing as individual freedom, and it does not follow that because 
Poland is free all Poles are free and that only Germans, Jews, White Russians, 
and Ukrainians are oppressed. THE STRUGGLE OF THE '^NATIONAL 

Any objective account of the Dictatorhip must inevitably read like an indict- 
ment. But there is no help for this. At the same time it is always well to 
remember the immense difficulty of building up a new State after war, famine, 
and revolution. To have made Poland a great power in ten years is an immense 
achievement. It is also well to remember that England is a favoured country 
— that for centuries she has not been invaded (Poland has been invaded and 
reinvaded and laid waste again and again within recent memory), that for cen- 
turies she has known neither famine, civil war, nor revolution, and that, although 
highly vulnerable, she is spared the sense of immediate insecurity given by open 
land frontiers. If England had a past like Poland's, and if she were wedged 
in between the Germans and the Bolsheviks, and if she had several Sinn Fein 
Irelands at home, she would not be the peaceful country she is now. 

It is Poland's misfortune that most of her territory was part of Tsarist 
Russia. Her civilization is made up of three civilizations — the Russian, the 
German, and the Austrian, — and it is the lowest of the three that has "prevailed. 
The Polish Dictatorship is Tsarist in character. The "Sejm," or Parliament, 
has little more power than the old Duma, and the Polish Constitution has little 
more reality than the Constitution that was gradually wilted away after having 
been conceded by the Tsarist Government under pressure from the revolutionary 
upheaval of 1905. 

In Soviet Russia the old "Ochrana" was replaced by Tcheka. In Poland 
it has been replaced by the "Defensive." 

The "Defensive" is more than an intelligence service, more than a political 
police. Members of the Government either belong to it or are approved by it. 
No one is safe from its interference. It spies everywhere and shadows every- 
one who is at all suspect or at all important. It pries into the most intimate 
personal affairs, and will bring pressure to bear on any person by threatening 
to reveal secrets of his private life. It is a national system of spying, blackmail, 
and terrorization. 

Polish elections are not a fair and equal fight between the different parties. 
The Radical Opposition are so handicapped by the "Defensive," the police, and 
the bureaucracy that it is a wonder they can do as well as they do. Their can- 


didates are arrested, their meetings broken up, their newspapers are censored or 
confiscated, their "lists" (Poland has an advanced system of proportional rep- 
resentation) are declared invalid on all kinds of false pretences. Sometimes 
even the totals of actual returns are falsified. 

The "making" of an election can, of course, be overdone, and this is one of 
the difficulties of the Government. To abandon all pretence and proclaim a 
nude Dictatorship would mean that the Sejm could no longer be made a scape- 
goat for every failure — ^Marshal Pilsudski would have nothing left on which to 
unload those terrific denunciations (crammed, incidently with ordure and obscen- 
ity unprintable in any newspaper of Western Europe) that come from his pen 
from time to time and are published in full by the Polish Government press. 
At the same time it is generally admitted that the Government has lost most of 
its popularity and that free elections would mean its sure defeat. They would 
have to be "made," as they have been before, only much more drastically. But 
it is widely believed that if this were done there would be disorders and risings. 
So the Dictatorship drifts along without any policy or any conscious aim. 

In the towns the Radical Opposition has taken the form of Communism and 
in the country of Radical or semi-iCommunist peasant parties. With the excep- 
tion of Bulgaria Poland is the only country in Europe with a Radical peasant 
movement. The Communist party is illegal. All its papers are suppressed, all 
its meetings broken up. Merely to be a Polish Communist is to live in danger 
of being sent to prison for six years, besides being tortured. And yet the 
Communist movement is probably more of a mass movement in Poland than 
in any other country except Russia. It is rooted in poverty and oppression. 
The Dictatorship, by creating suspicion and political insecurity, is destructive 
of confidence and therefore deeply injurious to trade and credit. It helps to 
perpetuate poverty, and being by its own nature oppressive it makes the Com- 
munist movement grow rather than diminish. Like Tsarism, it is therefore 
helping on the very revolution it exists to avert. The Radical peasant move- 
ments in Poland are still rather primitive, but anyone who will pay a visit to 
some of the poorer villages will see that they have a grim reality and will see 
men who have the making of Wat Tylers or Jack Cades. 

Besides the very efficient Polish army, the police (who are a kind of armed 
constabulary), and the "Defensive," the Dictatorship has a special instrument 
in the so-called "Colonizers." Like the Hungarian "Vitez," the "Colonizer" is 
a former soldier who receives a piece of land and arms from the Government. 
In exchange he is expected to be available whenever there is any sign of labour 
trouble, unrest, or revolt in the country districts. The task of the "Colonizers" 
has some analogies with that of the Cossacks in the old Russia, but in a general 
way they could be described as a kind of rural Praetorian Guard. 

Affrays in the villages (often arising out of wage disputes) are very com- 
mon. Peasants are often killed or wounded, arrests are made almost every day, 
and the treatment of those arrested is often very terrible, although in fairness 
to Poland it must be added that the torture of political prisoners is taken for 
granted throughout all Eastern Europe. The commonest form of torture is by 
beating, but the "water torture" (as it used to be called by the Americans in the 
Philippines) is also known. "Intellectuals" are tortured less nowadays because 
they are better able to get redress or publicity than workmen or peasants. But 
when the Polish police catch some illiterate White Russian or Volhynian peasant 
whom they suspect of Radicalism and having accomplices, then the chances are 
that he will be so beaten that his own mother would not recognize him afterwards. 



{The italics are mine. 

Though the specific aim of the "Guardian's" correspondent is not to 
discuss this question, still whatever he says on the relation of the Polish 
govermnent towards the Ukrainians would not he accepted by an average 
Pole. Even men from the Polish Oppositiotz would protest against the 
"Guardian's" comparison of the position of the Ukrainians in Poland to that 
of the Poles under Tsarist Russia. — Ed.) 





(From our Berlin Correspondent) 

Marshal Pilsudski has hit out at last. There has been some 
surprise that he has not yet scrapped the Polish Constitution (so 
far he has only called it names like putrid carrion or slut whom 
he would have kicked out of doors if he had not been otherwise 
engaged). Now that Parliament is dissolved deputies are no long- 
er deputies, and have therefore lost their immunity, so that they 
can be arrested. Pilsudski, acting through the Ministry of the 
Interior, has had nine of the best-known Opposition leaders ar- 

Some of the arrested men are amongst the most popular of 
Polish politicians. Nor do they all belong to the Left. The old 
Peasant leader M. Witos is amongst them. The Socialist leader 
M. Daszynski has not been molested so far, but he has been re- 
fused a permit to leave the country (he was about to take a cure 
at Karlsbad) so that Marshal Pilsudski may keep an eye on him. 


Those who feared that the Polish election campaign would be 
held under terroristic pressure from the Dictatorship are now 
proved right, for these arrests are the Government's first move 
in the campaign itself, and are typical terroristic methods. Nor 
are they the only arrests being made. Members of the Polish 
Communist party and of the Left-wing Radical Peasant parties 
are being arrested in great numbers. Many arrests are being 
made in the Ukraine, where the resistance is hardening and where 
retaliatory methods are growing more and more common. 

Recent events in Poland should be enough to destroy any 
illusions that Poland is a democracy or that Marshal Pilsudski has 
any ultimate resources other than of violence. Nor can there be 


any doubt left as to his growing unpopularity, for were he still 
as popular as he was a few years ago he would not fear the verdict 
of the Polish people. It is the certainty of defeat in a free election 
campaign by an attack on this freedom. 

The Manchester Guardian Weekly, Friday, September 12, 1930. 




Wireless to The New York Times 

WARSAW, Oct. 4. — Another former Deputy and Socialist 
leader, Jan Kwapinski, was arrested early this morning, charged 
with having made a speech against the government while a mem- 
ber of Parliament. M. Kwapinski is the president of the Polish 
Federation of Labor Agricultural Workers' Union. 

Arrests of Opposition leaders appear to have been abandoned 
by the government, although now and then some Opposition leader 
is sent to prison. This may last until the elections are held. In 
the meantime, the round-up and arrest of Ukrainian Deputies 
continues apace. 

The Polish pro-government Sunday newspapers' newest fea- 
ture, Marshal Pilsudski's weekly interview, will have serious com- 
petition tomorrow in the Opposition press, which will print a letter 
from President Daszynski of the Sejm to President Mosciki, if the 
censorship does not suppress it. 

Marshal Pilsudski talks again of the budget, warning the 
future Sejm he will not permit it to sit beyond the budget necessi- 
ties. The budget is the only thing for the Parliament to work 
upon, but it takes some time in committees, so the marshal must 
invent something for the Parliament to keep busy with in the 

In the next budget. Marshal Pilsudski will introduce his own 
new methods, leaving the departments ample room to move within 
the figures allotted. He has done this against the advice of his 
Ministers but is convinced his method will prove right and useful 
and that the other Ministers eventually will adopt his view. 

The marshal concluded his interview by saying the next Sejm 
will do well not to reject his budget and methods. 

M. Daszynski's letter is less cheerful. The Sejm leader draws 
a gloomy picture of Poland's political and economic situation. He 
complains of lawlessness, violation of the Constitution, destruction 
of social organizations and misconduct of the country's economic 
affairs. He throws upon Marshal Pilsudski the blame for the 


delay in changing the Constitution in the last Sejm and sees the 
elections as the only peaceful way out of the internal struggle, if 
the elections be clean and honest. 

Therefore he begs President Mosciki, as the country's consti- 
tutional head, to use all his legal and moral influence to see that 
the November elections shall be clean and free. 

WARSAW, Oct. 4 (AP). — Sixteen Ukrainian Deputies, mem- 
bers of the former Diet, were arrested today. 

The New York Times, Sunday, Oct. 5, 1930. 





On Tuesday, September 30, 1930, the 

Very Reverend Leontius Kunytsky, the ex-deputy to the Po- 
lish Seym, and the Canon of the Archbishop's chapter, came on 
Tuesday, September 30, 1930, by an express train from Lviv to 
Tarnopol to hold a conference with the voyvoda of province of 
Tarnopol on punitive expeditions on the territory of that province. 
Within half an hour after his arrival to the city. Rev. Kunytsky 
was already received by Voyvoda Moszynski. The conference 
lasted two and a half hours, namely from 3:15 till 4:45. Besides 
the Voyvoda, it was attended by Zyborski, the chief of the depart- 
ment of safety. 

Very Rev. Kunytsky protested most strongly against charging 
the present arsons of stacks to any of the Ukrainian national 
legalized parties and against the application of the principle of 
collective responsibility for the acts of perpetrators and against 
all the notorious events in villages. He asked the voyvoda for 
permission to go into the district of Zbarazh to appease the popu- 
lace and asked for a special letter lest he be interfered with by the 
local police or be arrested by them. 

The voyvoda replied that all the Ukrainian people are respon- 
sible for the sabotages, since they create a favorable atmosphere 
for the sabotages. 

Very Rev. Kunytsky remained in Tarnopol, taking his lodgings 
with the ex-deputy Dr. Stephen Baran, intending to start, on Oc- 
tober 1, by an afternoon train, for Zbarazh. On Wednesday in 
the morning he left Dr. Baran's lodgings and went to visit Rev. 
Volodymyr Gromnytsky, the local parson. On his way he was 
stopped by two police agents and was taken by them to the police 
headquarters in the City Hall, where he was subjected to a short 


examination. At 12 o'clock a policeman called on Dr. Baraii to 
demand Rev. Kunytsky's traveling bag. It was clear that Rev. 
Kunytsky was arrested. 

At half past twelve a closed automobile came before the gate 
of the police headquarters, and after a few moments Rev. Kunyt- 
sky was led out of the courtyard by two police agents, placed into 
the automobile and driven away at once via Pilsudski, Kopernik 
and Tarnowski streets, in the direction of the railroad bridge. The 
destination of the automobile is unknown. There seems to be no 
doubt that Rev. Kunytsky was taken to Brest-on-the-Bug for 
political reasons, as an ex-deputy to the Seym. 

On the same day, at 8 o'clock in the morning police agents 
came to the law office of Dr. Dmytro Ladyka, the ex-deputy from 
the list of Ukrainian socialist-radicals, at Tarnopol, took him at 
once to the police headquarters and then to the investigation de- 
partment of the court. The police made at once a search in his 
office. . . . 


Dr. Michael Zakhidny, ex-deputy (of the Ukrainian Labor 
Party), was arrested in Berezhany on October 1. So far there 
have been arrested the following Ukrainian ex-deputies to the 
Polish seym : 1, Very Rev. L. Kunytsky; 2, Volodymyr Tselevych; 
3, Dm. Paliyiv; 4, Dr. S. Baran; 5, Ivan Lishchynsky; 6, Stephen 
Kuzyk; 7, Ivan Zavalykut; 8, Antony Kunko ; 9, Alexander Vyslot- 
sky; 10, Alexander Yavorsky; 11, Antony Maksymovych, — all 
members of the UNDO (The Ukrainian National Democratic 
Union); 12, Dr. Dm. Ladyka; 13, Dr. Osyp Kohut, — both socialist- 
radicals ; 14, Paul Vasylchuk (Village-Union) ; IS, ex-senator Serhy 
Kozytsky (ex-member of the "Selrob's" right wing) ; 16, Dr. Mi- 
chael Zakhidny (Ukrainian Labor Party). 

"Dilo", Lviv, October 4, 1930. 

{Though in certain sections of the document, the Ukrainians are placed 
on equal footing with the Polish Opposition, still the document at once 
passes to special measures to he used against the Ukrainians only. Pogrom 
attacks against organizations and the "pacification" are surely measures 
which no Vole would advise to he used against Polish organizations. — Ed.^ 


Ex-deputy Radwan, of the Polish Peasant Party, was arrested 
in Lashchev, district of Tomashiv. He is charged with propagat- 


ing hatred of one social class to another (Sect. 122 and 129, of the 
Penal Code). 

Besides him there were arrested also ex-deputies Czapski 
and Markowski, of the same party. 

"Dilo", Lviv, October 9, 1930. 

{^Outwardly the Ukrainian and the Polish Deputies are treated in the 
same manner. They are arrested, imprisoned, made into criminals awaiting 
trial, on various trumped up charges. 

Inwardly, however, even here a difference between the treatment of the 
Polish and that of the Ukrainian deputies can be seen: while the Poles are 
charged with misdemeanors, the highest punishment for which is several 
years of imprisonment, the Ukrainian deputies are charged with one of the 
most serious felonies, high treason, for which severest punishments are the 

This agrees ivith the general policy of the Polish government of scaring 
their own public into hysteric fears under the influence of which they would 
rally to the government no matter of tvhat acts the government may be guilty 
of.— Ed.) 




(From our Special Correspondent.) 

Warsaw, Wednesday. 

Some eighty members of the last Polish Parliament have been 
imprisoned, forty of them in the fortress of Brest Litovsk. These 
prisoners belong to parties that together represent the majority of 
the Polish people. Amongst them are many distinguished politi- 
cians — for example, Witos, who was three times Premier of Po- 
land, and Korfanty, who more than any other man secured the 
great industrial area of Eastern Silesia for Poland. 

The prisoners are completely cut off from the outside world. 
Neither their families nor their counsel are allowed to communi- 
cate with them, nor are they allowed to write or receive letters. 
Their fate is wrapped in mystery, and almost every day there is 
a new popular legend about them. It is said that they are cold, 
hungry, and verminous. It is also said that they have been tor- 
tured, though this would seem unlikely, for although torture is 
common in Poland, it is done, not in prisons, but in the police 
cells. But it is this very ignorance of what is really happening, 
this atmosphere of mystery, that causes the friends and families 
of the prisoners to fear the worst. 



And the very few facts that are known do not diminish their 
fears. These scanty facts are as follows. An exception was made 
in favour of one of the prisoners, Dubois, a member of the Polish 
Socialist party. His wife lay between life and death after an 
operation, and he was allowed to see her. He was transferred to 
a prison here in Warsaw for one week, and during that week he 
was twice escorted to her bedside by two officials, who remained 
close by him the whole time. He looked terribly ill — pale, drawn, 
and haggard. His wife was just able to ask him a few questions. 
His answers were brief and non-committal, and seldom more than 
yes or no. He had always been a rather fiery and voluble person, 
so that there was something particularly ominous about his man- 
ner of answering. 

But in spite of this tragic interview Dubois recovered his 
strength during the week he spent in the Warsaw prison, although 
Warsaw prisons are not very healthy places. Another curious fact 
is that three of the prisoners have signed statements that they 
will not stand at the elections. Their friends cannot believe that 
these statements were signed voluntarily. Were they signed under 
threats or something worse than threats ? Nobody knows. One 
of the three is the Socialist Liebermann, who is 64 and has been 
in politics for more than 30 years. 


The Commandant of the prison at Brest-Litovsk is Kostek 
Biernatski, who was chief of the "battle police" — that is to say, 
the military police who were posted behind the front to shoot 
down deserters or drive them back into the line during the war of 
1920. But the responsibility for the arrest and for the treatment 
of the prisoners Hes with Marshal Pilsudski. It is said that a 
prisoner cannot have a comb or a toothbrush without the Mar- 
shal's permission. 

Officially the eighty prisoners were arrested on criminal 
charges, and are not political prisoners at all. If that is so, then 
there are three things that seem rather strange: (1) that a fifth 
of the members of the last Polish Parliament (there were 440 in 
all) should have been criminals; (2) that their alleged offences 
happened to be discovered just before the general election; and (3) 
that all these prisoners belong to the Opposition. 

The Manchester Guardian, November 13, 1930. 









Special Cable to The New York Times 

WARSAW, Dec. 8. — An accusation that Deputies who were 
imprisoned at Brest Litovsk for political reasons were starved and 
ill-treated was made today in an article in Robotnik by one of 
Poland's best writers, Andreas Strug, an author of outstanding 
merit, a former member of Marshal Pilsudski's legion, a former 
Senator and the head of the Polish Masons. He cannot freely 
express his indignation, he says, for he wants his expose to pass 
the censor. 

M. Strug asserts that "all of the prisoners were systematically 
starved for two months and then received food which was deliber- 
ately nauseating and inedible and only one-third of the military 
bread ration. Most of the prisoners chewed the straw of their 
mattresses in the agony of their hunger. Not until Nov. 8, a fort- 
night before they were released, did they receive normal military 
rations. Nearly all of them underwent the torture of beating, and 
to some a quite elaborate system of horrible tortures was applied. 

"They went through the horror of being taken to the execution 
chamber at midnight, where they were forced to undress and, 
naked, with their face to the wall, await death. 

"Then suddenly a shot was fired and a bullet struck the wall 
just above their heads. All were slapped in their faces and lived 
in a constant atmosphere of derision and humiliation. Their lives, 
health and human dignity were in the hands of several officers of 
different regiments of the Polish Army, and their destinies in the 
hands of the Minister of Justice and the special investigating judge. 
I do not mention any names." 

M. Strug concludes : 

"I will not indicate those who are guilty, but I hope the whole 
truth will be revealed and that none of the offenders will escape 

The article, of course, was suppressed and copies of the news- 
paper were seized, but all Warsaw is talking of the terrible regime 
at Brest Litovsk. 


The prisoners, against whom there was merely the unimpor- 
tant charge of making anti-government speeches, are said to have 
been treated at Brest Litovsk as mihtary convicts and the harsh 
regime of a Pohsh mihtary prison was apphed to them. They are 
said to have been compelled to salute officers, obliged to report 
every morning, clean their cells themselves and to wash refuse 

No newspaper or book was given to them except Marshal 
Pilsudski's writings. Everything sent to the prison by families of 
the Deputies, although it already had been passed by the investi- 
gating judge, was held up by the officers in charge of the prison 
and never reached the prisoners, it is asserted. 

The New York Times, Tuesday, December 9, 1930. 





(From our Special Correspondent) 

Warsaw, Thursday. 

Whoever studies the extraordinary manner in which the Po- 
lish election campaign is being run naturally asks "Why does not 
Pilsudski proclaim a naked dictatorship?" It would be less expen- 
sive and less hypocritical. It would be much simpler and prob- 
ably less inhuman. (Even in Italy there has been nothing com- 
parable with what has just happened in the Ukraine.) 

There are several reasons why the Polish Dictatorship con- 
tinues to wear a few democratic shreds and tatters that are no 
substitute for real clothing and no concealment of indecency. 
Dead generations of Poles fought heroically to have a Constitu- 
tion, and even Pilsudski, who is vitriolic in his abuse of the pres- 
ent Polish Constitution, does not repudiate Constitutions in the 
abstract, and will very likely produce a reformed Constitution be- 
fore long. 

Besides, a naked dictatorship would probably help to unite 
the Opposition, which is now so impotent precisely because it is 
disunited. But there is another reason. The Dictatorship wishes 
to convince the world, and especially England and America, that 
it is no dictatorship, and that its rags are really a dress suit; that 
Poland is governed constitutionally and democratically, and that 
the Polish Government is highly popular and very stable because 


it has the majority of the PoHsh people behind it. This is one 
reason — perhaps the chief reason — why the PoHsh Government is 
making such a prodigious effort to win the elections. 

The Polish Minister of Agriculture, Janta Polczynski, said 
in a speech at Thorn on the 8th of this month that foreign capital 
"will come to Poland after November 16, and only then. Foreign 
capitalists tell us 'We are waiting until Poland has a strong and 
stable Government.' " 

It is therefore of real importance that there should be no 
mistake in England and America about the true character of the 
Polish elections. 

The Manchester Guardian, November 15, 1930. 



"Lwowski Kurjer Poranny," a Polish daily of Lwiw {Lem- 
berg), published in its issue No. 338 of November 12, 1930, under 
ihe above heading the following instructions from Mr. Justyn 
Dworski, the leader of the district committee of the Polish pro- 
government party (the so-called B.B.) which was sent out secretly 
to all confidential election workers of the pro-government party 
in the villages of the district of Chortkiv and adjoining districts. 



Strictly confidential. 

In order to instruct the local Committee of B.B. about the 
methods of repressing the agitation of the so-called Centrolew, 
that is the united parties of National Democrats, the "Piast Party" 
and the Polish Peasant Party, as well as of the Ukrainians, I am 
bringing to your attention these instructions so that you may 
direct yourselves, when necessary, according to these suggestions. 

It became known to me, that within the next few days the 
so-called "Centrolew" and the Ukrainians, being the opposition 
groups, would start their election campaign in this district with 
the aid of the confident members of their respective groups as 
well as through the cooperative organizations subject to their 


influence. According to information gathered, each group will 
in the evenings hold secret meetings in private homes, or, as in 
the case of the Ukrainians, in cooperative stores, masking their 
meetings with educational and cooperative-economic purposes 
in order to mislead the watchfulness of our government group. 

We therefore inform you that no intended meeting of the 
Centrolew or of the Ukrainians should be held. Should, as a 
result of an oversight or misled watchfulness on the part of our 
people, a large number of persons come together for a conference, 
such a meeting should be prevented by an intentional dispatch 
of our confident persons. With this purpose in View all the known 
workers of the opposition should be subjected to a careful 
observation. They should be shadowed every step, even in an 
arrogant manner, in order that they be prevented from any 
campaigning or cummunication with the people. At the same 
time, with the assistance of the local branch of the Polish war 
veterans careful attention should be paid to the local workers 
of the Ukrainians and the Centrolew so that their every step 
may be known to us and that those workers my feel halted in 
their intentions. 

Particular attention should be paid to outsiders ; the arrival of 
any outsider to the village, be it to the local workers of Centrolew 
or to the cooperatives or the reading circle of the Ukrainian 
"Prosvita" (Enlightenment), should at once, by the quickest means 
available, be reported to the local headquarters of the Polish 
state police or to the district bureau of the B.B. at Chortkiv. 
This task would be best accomplished by him who would succeed 
in reporting to me several days or hours before the arrival of 
such a gentleman so that his campaigning may be prevented by 
me at once. 

It is also advisable, by all means, to confiscate all handbills, 
pamphlets and newspapers sent to the opposition group, to deliver 
such literature to the district bureau of B.B. in Chortkiv, and to 
destroy all the posters of the Centrolew and the Ukrainians which 
might be put up about the villages. 

At the same time, a search shall be instituted among the 
Ukrainians for fire-arms or anti-government literature and the 
results of such searches secretly reported to the police. I again 
emphasize that this work could best be done by the "Strzelcy" 
(the Polish civilian military organization), the more so as they 
serve as the village night watchmen (as is known to me). 

I may also add that according to my information there will 
be held in the nearest future on the territory of this district. 


military exercises, at which occasion there will be carried out in 
the Ukrainian villages guilty of anti-governmental activities, a 
most severe pacification primarily directed against the Ukrainian 
cooperatives and reading circles of "Prosvita" as the seats of 
such anti-governmental activities, as well as against their mem- 
bers, and at which occasion all the rigors usually used in such 
cases will be applied. 

Local Ukrainian leaders and priests should be warned of this 
information in a confidential and discrete manner. 

(Signed) Justyn Dworski, the district leader of the campaign 
bureau of B. B. 

(When the above document was reprinted by the "Dilo", the Ukraitt- 
ian daily, of Lviv, No. 253, the "Slowo Polskie" , a Polish pro- government 
daily of the same city, came out with an ilUnninating article. The "Slowo 
Polskie" does not publish any denial of the authenticity of the document. 
It evidently does not doubt in the least that the document is genuine or that 
it was sent out; or that it should have been sent out. It sees no fault with 
the president of the election committee of the pro-government party B.B. 
of Chortkiv, who sent this circular, or with the committee, which resorted 
to such methods of electioneering. No, the only culprits in the matter were 
the editors of the "Lwowski Kuryer Poranny," who published the authentic 
circular. The "Sloivo Polskie" expected that all the Poles would declare 
themselves to be in unison ivith the program of the circular since it is directed 
against the Ukrainians, which is e equivalent to being beneficial to the Poles. 
On the basis of such reasoning the "Sloivo Polskie" condemns the "Lwowski 
Kuryer Poranny" as an ally of the "Ukrainian separationists". The "Slowo 
Polskie" goes so far as to suggest to the editor of the "Lwowski KuryeiS 
Poranny" that he file his candidacy to the Polish Sejm as a candidate of the 
Ukrainian party "UNDO." 

The above document points out the use to ivhich the Polish govern- 
mental atrocities in Ukraine were put during the elections. Though the 
government claims that the " pad f cation" ivas an emergency measure called 
forth by the Ukrainian sabotages, here a man prominent in the politics of 
the government party quotes that so-called pacif cation as one of the effi- 
cient methods of that party to set the Ukrainian voters right in their political 

Of course, though this was not the only purpose of the atrocities, this 
can not be passed over as a matter of no importance. Since the very date 
the Sejm's dissolution, the Polish government worked hard to prove to the 
voters that it was the only group capable of handling the difficult problems 
of the State. On the one hand, it played upon Polish fears of Germany 
and Rj4ssia; on the other hand, it played upon Polish fears of the non- 


Polish races within Poland' s fronliers. Often those fears and suspicions 
tvere conveniently systematized, and the various non-Polish races in Poland 
became in the lurid writings of the "sanatory" party cogs in one great ma- 
chinery of anti-Polish conspiracy. 

The fact that the "pacification" was utilized in these ways to intimidate 
the Ukrainian voters into voting for the pro- government group, on the one 
hand, and for the purpose of rallying the Poles to Marshal Pilsudski, on 
the other, will he supported also by other documents in this collection. — Ed.") 



Ignacy Daszynski, the leader of the Polish Social Democrats, 
the Speaker of the House of the Polish Sejm, 1928 — 1930, thus 
describes the Polish elections of 1930 in an article contributed to 
the "Robotnik" : 


"After 30 years we read of those Badeni elections as a 
trifling matter. Indeed, Badeni had before him a mere handful 
of voters. In a whole electoral district they would number three 
or four hundred. Franchise was limited, not equal, and voting 
was public. Women did not vote. His difficulties were no^ 

"But in this resurrected, independent, democratic Polish 
Republic, the voters number millions, balloting is secret, voting 
proportional, ballots being cast in favor of a numbered list, and 
judges sit as chairmen of voting commissions, etc. What 
progress has been made in 30 years by the free people! What a 
long stride! 

"One hundred thousand officials of the State burning with 
desire to vote for the government, to vote openly! 

* Kazimierz Badeni a Polish count, was Prime Minister of Austria, 
gained notoriety thru his high-handed management of the elections to the 
Austrian parliament in 1897. The elections passed into history as the 
"Badeni Elections". Government was harsh against peasantry and workers, 
but doubly harsh towards Ukrainians in Galicia, where the gendarmes 
bayonetted to death 8 persons, mortally wounded 29, and imprisoned 800. 
This Pole gave the Ukrainians a foretaste of what Poland would look like 
when she would gain her independence. 


"40,000 policemen and God knows how many detectives 
answer the appeal! 

"Innumerable dead people (in some cities whole crowds) 
figure in the register of voters — as an emergency! 

"Thousands of articles are confiscated! 

"Thousands of private houses are raided. 

"Tens of thousands of campaign appeals and leaflets are 
confiscated, though passed by the censor. 

"Thousands of election campaign meetings were prevented 
or happily broken. 

"Popular newspapers were suppressed under the pretext that 
the ears of the families of tenants who live in the houses where 
the printing presses are situated would be affected ! 

"Indeed, Badeni was a small man!" 


As we reported on Monday, the release on bail will comprise 
a number of Brest prisoners. 

In political circles there seems to be no doubt that the prison- 
ers whosq release was found possible will not in any way com- 
ment on their stay ia prison, nor will take part in political 
activities ; in fact, it seems certain that those of the released who 
were elected had resigned their seat in the Sejm. 

"Kurjer WarszawsJd" (in Polish), Warsaw, November 27, 1930. 

(Mr. Ignacy Daszynski has played an important role in the modern 
history of Poland. In Austria he had organized a strong Polish socialist 
party and was for years a deputy to the Austrian parliament. It tvas in this 
dharacter as a socialist leader and socialist deputy that he came often to 
grips xvith the representatives of the Polish nobility, of whom Count Badeni 
was one. After the introduction of general suffrage in Austria, his power 
grew still more, but his old spirit of uncompromisiiig opposition to every 
form of oppression weakened; under the pressure of the Polish press attacking 
him for his absence from the Polish Club in the Vienna Parliament, he 
came to overlook more and more the new phases of the Polish oppression 
of the Ukrainians. 

In the reconstructed Polish State, he was prominent for the very fact 
of his close friendship with Marshal Pilsudski. After the friendship was 
dissolved, Daszynski' s position remained so prominent that even the gov- 
ernment would not dare to touch him. 

Hence, his opinion of the Polish elections of 1930, has a special signifi- 
cance. The comparison! to the old methods of semi-absolutistic Austria is 
telling, indeed. Each sentence of his article could be proved ivithout diffi- 


culty by quotations from the Polish pro-government press, who in these 
elections behaved with utter, simply cynical frankness. The Polish govern- 
ment, with equal cynicism, gave out a series of edicts and instructions, 
which are enough to condemn it for electoral frauds in any court. The 
Ukrainian press has printed quite a collection of those documents, which 
prove electoral frauds by the pro-government groups and the government 
itself beyond all doubts. The tabulation of the results of the election itself 
shows tremendous discrepancies: the local election boards, each acting under 
a government official, having counted the votes, proclaimed the result and 
then sent the report to a central district board, which added the local results 
and gave out one result for the district. These district results as published 
officially show not only that the district boards have manipulated the figures 
in favor of the pro-govermnent list, but also how ihey were manipulated, 
how all the votes of a certain locality given to some opposition list were 
stolen in transit, how similar votes in another locality were in body trans- 
ferred to the pro-government list. Such reports, being published openly in 
newspapers, were equal to a notification of the public prosecutor, who had 
to read the paper as a censor. Though the public prosecutor is in duty 
bound by his office to prosecute all such offenses coming to his knowledge, 
yet no prosecutions of the parties guilty of electoral frauds were started. 
Nor were the editors of the newspapers publishing them ever called to answer 
in courts for the libel of the officials counting the votes or tabulating the 
reports, nor were the editors even forced to publish retractions, as they 
would be by the press law, if such would have been sent to them. In short, 
the frauds were openly done, openly proved, and the Government did noth- 
ing about them. 

The elections themselves, however, are not the topic of this book. For 
this reason such documents are omitted, in hope that they might be published 
in some work treating especially of the Polish administrative measures, and 
instead the above summary of the election methods coming frotn a promi- 
nent Polish politician is inserted. — Ed.) 




(Renter's Telegram) 

Warsaw, Monday. 
The final results of the election to the Diet show a decisive 
victory for the Government bloc led by Marshal Pilsudski which 
has obtained 248 seats out of the total of 444. The Opposition 


groups of the Peasants' party and the Socialists have obtained 80, 
the Nationahsts 64, the Christian Democrats 14, the Communists 4, 
Zionists 3, Orthodox Jews 4, NationaHst Minorities 6, and Ukrain- 
ians 21. 

The Nationahsts obtained 60 per cent of the seats that they 
held in the second and third Diets. The Communists, who pre- 
sented lists of candidates in 20 districts, obtained only four seats, 
thus losing three of the seven that they held in the last Diet, one 
being lost in Warsaw and two in the coal-mining districts of Dom- 
browa. The national minorities have all lost ground— for example, 
the Germans, who previously held 19 seats, have now only retained 


{Commenting on the outcome of the election of the deputies to the 
Sejm, the "Dilo", the Ukrainian daily, Lviv, November 21, 1930, says that 
out of the 21 seats tvon by the block of the Ukrainian parties, the seats'- 
u'ould have to be divided so that 17 seats ivill fall to the "UNDO" , 3 to 
the socialist-radicals, and one to the White Ruthenians ; the Ukrainian social- 
democrats, who also belonged to the block, will have no representation. 

The "Dilo" further observes that the Ukrainians would have no rep- 
resentatives outside those w'ho ivere elected' on the list of the Ukrainian 
Election Block. Polish newspapers report that some Ukrainians, or Ruth- 
enians, were elected on the pro-government list B.B. in Volhynia, but it is 
doubtful, the "Dilo" says, if those men are racially conscious Ukrainians. 

This point was stressed by the Polish propaganda abroad. The Danzig 
correspondent of the Italian newspaper "Corriere della Serra", tvho wrote 
a series of articles on Poland, about the end of December, 1930, received 
protests from the Poles against his report on the number of seats in the 
Sejm won by Poland's racial minorities, in the election of November 16, 
1930. He ivas astonished to see that Polish propaganda, on one hand, 
increases the number of the deputies of those racial jninorities, on the other 
hand, pays no attention to the numerous protests of those minorities against 
the election methods used by the Polish government. He received from 
representatives of Poland abroad reports that the Ukrainians ivill have in 
the Sejm 21 deputies elected from the minorities list, and 8 deputies elected 
in the government list. {Similar additions were "granted'' to the Jews, 
White Ruthenians, Czechs, and Russians.) "The purpose of this {addi- 
tion)", says the "Corriere della Serra" correspondent, "is to show, on one 
hand, that the racial minorities have in the Sejm a greater numerical strength 
{than they really have), and, on the other hand, to suggest that the process 
of assimilation of those racial minorities {by the Poles) is already in prog- 
ress. My previous article had for its purpose to study racial minorities, and 
for this reason I cannot see in what way those deputies: 8 Ukrainian, 3 
Jeivish, and 1 White Ruthenian, could work for the preservation of their 


own race if they will he compelled, by the very character of their offices, 
to vote at every opportunity for the government, even in the matter of the 
laws directed against the minorities themselves. 

"Experience teaches that in every nation the masses of racial minorities 
are always opposed to the government, tvith the exception of those rare cases 
in ivhich some individuals of their own free will agree to assimilation, 
which all the governments try to conduct, to a smaller or greater degree. 
If it were otherwise, the Allies would not have introduced into the peac^ 
treaties some clauses about the protection of racial minorities, which have 
binding power, through the League of Nations. Only Poland has renounced 
those treaties, will she be able to speak openly about any kind of assimilation, 
forceful or peaceful. But it is well known that Poland does not belong 
among those European nations who strive for the revision of the peace, 
treaties" .^) 

The "Dilo" thinks that the most significant feature of the last election, 
as far as the Ukrainians are concerned, is the fact that out of the Ukrainian 
representation, numbering 20 persons, six are imprisoned. To be impris- 
oned does not mean yet the loss of the seat as yet unless the deputy is im- 
prisoned as a result of a valid sentence condemning him for a crime especi- 
ally enumerated among the felonies bringing with them the loss of the seat. 

The "Dilo" finally enumerates 24 Ukrainian ex-deputies who failed to 
win a seat in the new Sejm. Some of them did not run. Three clergymen 
failed to obtain the permission of the church authorities. The names of 
Mr. V. Tselevych and Mr. Dmytro Paliyiv were crossed out from the list 
of candidates because no consent from them was secured for such a candi- 
dacy, they were both imprisoned in Brest fortress, all communication with 
them being cut off. — Ed.) 



(From our Special Correspondent.) 

The electoral victory of the Polish Dictatorship is the tri- 
umph of force and fraud. Old revolutionaries, who are hardened 
to almost anything, declare that even under the Tsar there was 
nothing so completely shameless and cynical as these elections. 
It is almost idle to discuss the returns in detail — they are too big 
an imposture, and have too little relationship with the real state 
of feeling in Poland. A discredited Government that would nor- 

* Vide "Corr. d. Serra", February 9, 1931.— Ed. 



mally have lost a great many (some say a hundred) seats has 
gained more than a hundred. 

This might seem to be a miracle, but it is precisely what every- 
one expected. By disqualifying 24 lists of the Opposition parties 
the Dictatorship secured about a third of the 444 seats of Parlia- 
ment before the polling. Violence, intimidation, and trickery did 
the rest, and Marshal Pilsudski has obtained the substantial ab- 
solute majority he set out to obtain. But his victory does not 
solve either the social or the national problem of Poland. 

There was a time when it might have seemed that Poland 
would develop peacefully by means of social reform and by re- 
conciliation between the Poles and the subject minorities who 
make up a third of the population. But the election leaves a 
class hatred greater than any Poland has ever known — the great- 
est perhaps in all Europe, — and Nationalist hatred more implacable 
than anything that ever existed in Ireland. The future of Poland 
is now completely dark. The foundations of a healthy social and 
national life have been destroyed, and there are many objective 
observers of Polish affairs who are now convinced that the coun- 
try is bound to drift towards revolutionary convulsion. 

The elections to the Diet passed ofif without disturbance 
throughout Poland, except at some places in the suburbs of War- 
saw and at Poznan (Posen), where there were collisions between 
the supporters of the different parties. 

As far as can be ascertained the percentage of voting in the 
general election was as follows : — In the provinces. Government 
bloc 65 per cent in the eastern provinces, Government bloc 95 per 
cent; in the western provinces, Germans 65 per cent; in the big 
towns (Warsaw, Cracow, &c.). Government bloc 55 per cent. 

Manchester Guardian, November 17, 1930. 



The Polish elections, which have given Marshal Pilsudski a 
clear majority over all the other parties combined, represent noth- 
ing but the determination of his Government to stay in power at 
all costs. Our special correspondent has described the methods by 
which a minority of 172 has been turned into an independent 
majority. Fraud, imprisonment, and brutality have done their 
work so thoroughly that the will of the Polish majority will in 
future be as powerless in the Parliament as it has long been in 
the Government. An irresponsible Government has called into 
existence an irresponsible Parliament. Marshal Pilsudski by emas- 


culating the Parliament has driven opposition underground, but the 
whole past history of his race suggests that by doing so he will 
make it not less but more powerful. In place of the security with 
which he hopes to attract foreign investors his policy is likely to 
undermine confidence. He has destroyed the basis of consent 
which is the best guarantee of the safety of foreign capital. He 
has made it appear that only by revolution can the Government be 
changed. It is true that these things accord well enough with the 
Parliamentary history of Poland. The old spirit of unyielding 
pride and stubborn faction, which destroyed the old kingdom of 
Poland, was reproduced in the Parliament of the new Republic, 
while the difficulties of government were reinforced by the fact 
that a third of the population belongs to one or other of the 
oppressed national minorities. Poland to-day is suffering at the 
hands of Marshal Pilsudski because her frontiers are too widely 
drawn and her parties far too partisan. 

The Manchester Guardian, November 18, 1930. 


Two verdicts have just been returned in Poland, one in the 
polling booths, the other in the minds of men. The election re- 
turns give a magnificent vote of confidence to the tyranny of 
Marshal Pilsudski. Throughout the Polish Republic his assistants 
may congratulate themselves on a work well done. They have 
fulfilled their trust. They have falsified the will of the people. 
In Eastern Europe one is accustomed to elections which are 
"made." That technical term covers a multitude of unrighteous 
acts : undue influence, impersonation, incorrect returns. In a civil- 
ized country they would invalidate the result of the election. They 
would be severely punished as breaches of the electoral law. It is 
not, however, by these methods alone that this splendid victory has 
been won. Things have been done during the election campaign 
that in a decently governed country would come before the courts 
not on an election petition but as common crimes. If Marshal 
Pilsudski's aim was to win a working majority in Parliament he 
has every reason to be satisfied. If, however, his object was to 
convince the outside world that he possessed, or was worthy to 
possess, the confidence of his people he has signally failed in the 

It is not the votes recorded at the election but the way in which 
the votes were won which is significant. For one particular local- 


ity we have a mass of first-hand information. Eastern GaHcia, the 
PoHsh Ukraine, has just been visited by a special correspondent of 
the "Manchester Guardian." This countryside has been the scene 
of a "pacification" by the PoUsh army. Driven to desperation by 
the persecution of Poland and the deafness of the League of Na- 
tions to protests, some of the rasher villagers resorted to rick- 
burning and the like. The authorities at Warsaw were not content 
to punish these crimes in the usual way with the appropriate 
penalties. They sent cavalry regiments to beat indiscriminately 
any peasants they could catch. There was no pretence of trial, 
no inquiry as to guilt. Our special correspondent was in Galicia 
on the eve of polling day. What he saw with his own eyes — a 
cowed peasantry and innocent men beaten to the edge of death — 
he has faithfully described in the "Manchester Guardian." His 
witness is borne out by a letter which we publish this morning 
from a recent visitor to these parts, a man who had the misfortune 
to choose for his holiday the scene of a massacre. In one sentence 
he sums up the position: "Polish doctors refuse to attend the in- 
jured, and Ukrainian doctors are arrested whenever found minis- 
tering to suffering fellow-men." It is impossible "to draw a bill 
of indictment against a whole nation" — that is the error into which 
Polish officers have callously fallen; but it is necessary to condemn 
without exception a system of government which uses such meth- 
ods to win the allegiance of its citizens. Remembering these 
terrible things, what is one to make of the impudent official assur- 
ance that the trusted Ukrainian leaders have been thrown over by 
their people and that "the loyal Ukrainian group within the Gov- 
ernment bloc will now be able to foster those interests in harmony 
with the interests of the Republic"? It is idle to expect men who 
have undergone or witnessed such suffering to vote against the 
Government which inflicted it in a country where secret voting 
has just been quietly abolished by the action of that Government. 

But the events in Poland are not only a tragedy for the Poles ; 
they are also a tragedy for the hope of understanding in Europe. 
One of the features of the election campaign was the virulence of 
the Polish attacks on Germany. It must be admitted that Poland 
was not unjustifiably annoyed at the indiscretions of Herr Trev- 
iranus, a member of the German Cabinet, in demanding a revision 
of Germany's eastern frontiers. The sane and reasonable thing 
to do is to work, not for a change in boundary marks, but for a 
state of things in which, where precisely just boundaries are diffi- 
cult to secure, frontier posts become irrelevant; but it is difficult 
to follow a reasonable policy in a world which stubbornly refuses 


to be sane. If Poland wants good relations with her neighbours, 
she can only win them by treating decently their national minor- 
ities within her frontiers. If the Ukrainians in Russia could rest 
assured that their kinsmen in Poland were in possession of the 
ordinary rights of man, they would think a great deal less bitterly 
of Poland. If Germany knew that the large German minority in 
Poland enjoyed the schools and language to which they have a 
treaty-guaranteed right, she would be willing to abandon the sullen 
opposition which mars many League meetings. Unfortunately 
these countries have no such assurance. They know, rather, that 
their kinsmen are persecuted. As long as Poland continues to op- 
press her subject nationalities, who between them account for a 
third of her population, so long will Poland have bad relations 
with her neighbours. And as long as Poland is surrounded by 
hostile States she will never for one moment feel secure. While 
she is haunted by the fear of a new Partition she will refuse to 
disarm herself and, as so often happens, she will prevent the Great 
Power which protects her from taking that necessary step to 
peace. Poland — with France acting on her behalf — seeks security 
by a new Protocol or an Eastern Locarno. She should seek it 
rather in her own domestic policy. 

The Manchester Guardian, November 20, 1930. 



(From our Correspondent at Bydgoszcz (Bromberg) 

There is no doubt whatever that if the Polish elections were 
being held by fair means they would sweep Pilsudski and his 
Government out of existence by an overwhelming majority. But 
they are, to use a Continental expression, being "made," and it is 
the Government that is "making" them. Its methods are infinitely 
varied and ingenious. The commonest is simply to disqualify the 
"lists" of the Opposition. Poland has an advanced system of P.R., 
and, as in Germany, the electorate votes not for individual candi- 
dates, but for party lists of candidates. Such a list is only allowed 
if it is signed by fifty persons who are qualified by Polish citizen- 
ship, age, and so on to give their signatures. 

The German minority at Graudenz submitted a list which, for 
safety's sake, was accompanied by a hundred signatures. The 
Poles, it was thought, might disqualify a few of these signatures, 
but not fifty-one. As a matter of fact the Poles disqualified fifty- 


eight, and so the Germans at Graudenz have been disfranchised. 
Signatures are disquahfied by various subtle devices — for example, 
it is quite a common thing for a so-called "graphologist" to be 
asked to decide v^hether the signatures are forged or not, and he 
is, of course, only too willing to say they are, in w^hich case redress 
is rarely possible. Or some unknown persons declare that the 
signatories are not Polish subjects, or are minors, whereupon they 
are simply disallowed without any appeal. 

Individual voters are also disqualified in great numbers — for 
example, they are informed, say, on the 15th of the month that 
there are doubts as to their Polish citizenship, but if they prove 
the contrary on the 14th of the same month these doubts will be 
removed and they will be entitled to vote. Then, when they do 
prove the contrary to the satisfaction of the local authorities, they 
are told that this is all very well, but they should have done so not 
later than the 14th. When they ask how they could have done so 
on the 14th, seeing that they were only informed on the 15th, they 
are told with a shrug of the shoulders that regulations are regula- 
tions and that they will not be able to vote. The number of per- 
sons who have been deprived of the franchise either by individual 
disqualification or by disqualification of party lists probably 
amounts to hundreds of thousands, perhaps even to a million by 
now, and will no doubt grow between now and Sunday. 


Another trick that has been practised here in Bromberg is 
for the Polish authorities to start a German party which will be 
a rival to the party of the German's own choice. No self-respect- 
ing German lends himself to such a device, but a few shady char- 
acters have been collected and have received the dignity of a party. 
There is no chance whatever that this sham "German" party will 
return a single candidate, but it may help to weaken the real 
German vote a little — which is, after all, its open purpose. 

Direct pressure is also being used to influence the voting. 
Thus a number of German railwaymen here have been ordered 
under threats to canvass for the German "bloc." Each one has 
been assigned to five specified houses, and is told that if he does 
not get ten persons in these five houses to promise their votes to 
the Government he will regret it. "We cannot," he is told, "legally 
dismiss you, but if you do not get your ten voters you will have 
to face the consequences" (which, of course, is dismissal). 

The arrest and imprisonment of Opposition candidates has 
become a mere commonplace of the Polish election campaign (over 


eighty who were members of the last ParHament are now in 
prison). The suppression of newspapers is equally common. 


But it must not be supposed that it is the Germans alone who 
are being oppressed in Poland. For them the election campaign 
has made things only just a little worse — that is to say, the con- 
stant galling pressure and chicanery under which they have always 
lived in the Polish Republic has been no more than slightly intensi- 
fied. The fate of the purely Polish Opposition (at least since the 
campaign began) is no more enviable. The fate of the extremer 
Opposition (particularly the Communists) is far worse, and most 
dreadful of all are the atrocities committed by the Polish "punitive 
expeditions" in the Ukraine. These, indeed, are the most tragic 
things in these tragic elections, which are farcical only on the 
surface — to look a little way beneath the surface and to realize the 
implications of all that is being done is to be filled with a sense of 
disgust with the Dictatorship and of tragic pity for the highly 
gifted peoples, whether Polish, German, or Ukrainian, who are 
doomed to live beneath it. 

The Manchester Guardian Weekly, November 14, 1930. 



(From our Special Correspondent.) 

Kattowice (Kattowitz), Sunday. 

It is with a sense of relief, after the nightmare of cruelty 
and oppression in the Ukraine, that one sees the factory chimneys 
of Upper Silesia breaking the flat skyline. The densely populated 
industrial area, with its trade unions and its class-conscious work- 
ing masses, has far more resources against tyranny than scattered 
villages inhabited by primitive peasantry. And yet here, as else- 
where in Poland, the Dictatorship is using force and fraud in its 
attempts to win the elections. No bills and posters except those 
with No. 1 — that is to say, the Government list — are to be seen. 
There has been a good deal of violence, a number of persons have 
been "beaten up" (naturally most of them belong to the German 
minority), and there has been a great deal of window-smashing. 

The Government rowdies, who masquerade as Socialists, and 
who were so prominent in Warsaw, hardly exist here. Their work 
as Government gangsters is done by the "insurgents," who are a 


kind of American legion in miniature. They are veterans of the 
insurrection organized and led by Korfanty in 1921. On special 
occasions (to-day, for example) they wear the khaki uniform and 
Sam Brown of the Polish officer. Their honorary chief is a voevod 
of Eastern Upper Silesia, Graszynski. The police do not as a rule 
interfere with their terroristic activities. 


In the town of Kattowice the polling went on peacefully all 
day. Nearly half the inhabitants are Germans, many of them or- 
ganized workmen, and they cannot be terrorised very easily. I 
visited several of the remoter polling stations. Outside stood sev- 
eral men, each holding a packet of small squares of paper. These 
are the ballot papers, and each one bears a number — one for the 
Government (or rather Pilsudski), 12 for the German list, 19 for 
Korfanty, and so on. The voter takes as many of these papers 
as he wishes, and goes into the polling station with them. In- 
side his name is checked by a clerk, and then he takes an envelope 
from the clerk's table. He then-puts the ballot paper bearing the 
number of his choice into the envelope, and drops it into the ballot- 
box — a large metal chest with the Polish eagle painted on it. 

Wishing to test the fairness of the procedure, I asked the 
men outside one of these outlying polling stations for the Ger- 
man ticket, but there was none to be had. In this way hundreds 
of Germans living in the neighbourhood are deprived of their vote. 
Two "insurgents," swarthy unshaved men, their uniform adorned 
with several Polish medals, came up. "What about the German 
ticket?" I asked. They grinned broadly, and one of them explained 
with gesticulating vivacity that Germans were not tolerated in 
Poland. He finished by going through the motion of thrashing 
a German with a cudgel, twisting his mouth in grim hatred. I 
understood well enough that no German could venture near this 
polling station with impunity. Besides, in the absence of ballot 
papers with his number there would be little use in his trying. 
All the other numbers were there, Korfanty, the Socialists, and 
even the Communists. Only the German was missing. 


Inside the station the voters usually put their ballot papers into 
the envelope in full view of the clerk and of the uniformed "in- 
surgents" lounging around. (It was, of course, safest to leave no 
doubt that the vote was used for list No. 1.) A few voters went 


into the corner of the room to put their ballot papers into the 
envelope. I asked why there was no screen or booth to ensure 
secrecy. I was told that it was not necessary, although there 
would be a screen next Sunday, when the elections for the Upper 
Silesian Parliament will be held, and the procedure is laid down, 
not in the Polish Constitution, but in the Geneva Convention. 

A good many voters who came to this poHing station were 
told that they were not on the register. The number of those 
who have been struck off the register in Upper Silesia for no clear 
reason is very big— apparently it goes into many thousands, per- 
haps 10,000, perhaps 15,000. They are nearly all Germans. 

I visited another polling station near Schoppinitz. Here no 
ballot papers were put out except Nos. 1 and 19 (Pilsudski and 
Korfanty). In this neighbourhood also there are many Germans. 
Only in the town of Kattowice itself is there anything Hke fair 
play. There the German ballot paper is available, and the Germans 
come to vote in such numbers that individuals cannot be victimised. 

The Manchester Guardian, November 18, 1930. 


The Polish Press Bureau in London last night issued a state- 
ment in which it is claimed that the fact that two parties, whose 
opposition to the Government was most uncompromising, in- 
creased their ranks, shows clearly that the electors were unfet- 
tered in the choice of their representatives. 

"Apart from the German minority," the statement continues, 
"all the other minorities voted to a large extent for the Govern- 
ment party whose lists included the representatives of Ukrainians, 
White Ruthenians, Jews, and others. The Germans, who had 19 
seats in the old Sejm, were left with only five, losing all their 
seats held in the so-called 'corridor' and half their seats in Silesia. 
The Ukrainian Nationalists have lost the monopoly of represent- 
ing the interests of the Ukrainian minority as opposed to the 
interests of the Polish State. The loyal Ukrainian group within 
the Government block will now be able to foster those interests in 
harmony with the interests of the Republic." 

The Press Bureau claims that the independent majority which 
the Government have obtained makes it possible for them to carry 
on for at leat five years. It admits that the reform of the consti- 
tution requires a two-thirds majority, which the Government have 


not yet secured. "However, it may be assumed," concludes the 
statement, "that with the lapse of time it will be possible to find 
a meaure of agreement for the solution of this national question." 
The Mancheser Guardian, November 19, 1930. 



(From our own Correspondent) 

Berlin, Wednesday. 

A very serious view is taken here of the way in which the 
German minority was deprived of the free exercise of its franchise 
in the Polish elections. A protest is, so I gather, to be made at 
Geneva, and there is reason to believe that the protest will be 
rather more emphatic than has been usual hitherto. 

The "Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung" writes : — "The attention 
of the whole civilized world has been called to the atrocities in 
Eastern Galicia. But in the regions that once belonged to Ger- 
many the most elementary human rights have been successively 
violated in an outrageous manner. A big official complaint to the 
League of Nations (which, it must be admitted, shows itself ineffi- 
cient in these matters) is the least we must demand." 

The Manchester Guardian, Thurs., Nov. 20, 1930. 



It has become impossible to keep the horrors of Brest-Litovsk 
dark any longer. The Polish Left have now raised the matter 
by an interpellation in the Sejm. Perhaps Pilsudski's own sup- 
porters will have been astonished at the mediaeval treatment of 
men like Lieberman, Korfanty, and all the others who were 
imprisoned in the fortress. 

Lieberman is a jurist with an international reputation and 
an old revolutionary and orator of exceptional eloquence, and also 
a man to whom Pilsudski owes a great deal. Lieberman, accor- 
ding to the abundant material now submitted to the Sejm, was 


dragged into a fortress on the way to Brest-Litovsk and beaten by 
his armed military guards until he fainted, Korfanty, the "con- 
queror of Upper Silesia" and one of Poland's national heroes, 
was beaten in prison; so was the leader, Dr. Bajaniski, and 
many others. The Christian Democratic deputy Potil was beaten 
in the way hundreds of peasants have been beaten in the Ukraine. 
Some indication of such things was given by your special 
correspondent in Warsaw a month ago. Then a Polish senator 
named Strug published some details in the "Robotnik," including 
a portrait of Lieberman before and after his imprisonment — 
a terrible contrast. But this number of the "Robotnik" was at 
once confiscated by the police, although a few copies reached 
the outside world. 


A Stormy Sitting. 

A Renter telegram from Warsaw says that at a stormy sitting 
of the Diet, which ended at 11.30 on Tuesday night, the National 
Democrats moved an urgency motion concerning the imprisonment 
of a number of Opposition deputies at Brest-Litowsk during and 
since the recent general election. These deputies, among whom 
were a number of ex-Ministers, were, it was declared, beaten, 
tortured, and treated worse than condemned felons. Although 
they had not been tried they were separated from their families 
for three months and deprived of legal advice. Their treatment 
was characterised as worse than that of prisoners in Russia in 
Tsarist times. 

A Government speaker demanded the rejection of the motion, 
and said that its aim was purely propagandist. Any one of the 
deputies who were subjected to f ill-treatment could appeal to the 
courts. Communist deputies shouted for the release of all* polit- 
ical prisoners, whereupon Government deputies retorted by re- 
commending them not to murder their own prisoners. The 
Socialists demanded the release of some of the deputies who were 
still' in prison, and as the Government party would not allow them 
to speak they handed to the Speaker a list of the names of i those 
still , incarcerated, with a full description of their maltreatment. 

Both motions were referred to a committee, 


The "Robotnik" on Wednesday printed the interpellation on 
this subject that was presented to the Speaker of the Diet at 


Tuesday's session. The document states that numerous Opposi- 
tion deputies were arrested over two months ago and have since 
been confined in the military prison of Brest-Litovsk. These 
deputies, it continues, were beaten unconscious and forced 
to clean out the latrines. They had to wash the floors and cor- 
ridors until they were absolutely exhausted, and were refused 
baths. They were starved and incarcerated in dark cells, had 
to sleep on bare boards, and had no latrines. The only nourish- 
ment they received was a little bread and warm salted water. 

They were beaten with ramrods through wet clothes so that 
there should be no bruises. During the administration of the 
punishment a motor was set going to drown the moans and cries 
of the prisoners. The officers in command of the prison are 
stated to have declared that the fate of the prisoners depended 
entirely on the decision of Marshal Pilsudski. If he ordered it, 
they would be killed or maimed. 

(The Manchester Guardian Weekly, December 19, 1930). 


(The document printed below is the interpellation of the Polish Op- 
position deputies to the Polish Sejm at Warsaw on the well-known affair 
of Brest. The interpellation was printed in several Polish Opposition papers 
both in Poland and in America, for instance the "Gazeta Poranna" of War- 
saw and the "Ameryka-Echo," of Toledo, Ohio. The Ukrainian Lviv daily 
"Dilo," when reprinting it goes to the trouble of emphasizing the fact that 
the interpellation was not suppressed when it appeared in the "Gazeta 

The Interpellation was introduced by the "Gazeta Poramic^' in the 
following words: 

"At the conclusion of the session, the parliamentary union of the 
peasant deputies, of the Club of the National Workers^ Party, and of the 
Polish Socialist Party has brought the following interpellation: 


The document is published in full. — Ed.) 


On the night of September 9, 1930, there were arrested by 
the Polish state poHce and miHtary gendarmes the following citi- 
zen civilians : 

1. Norbert Barlicki, ex-member of the Polish Sejm, ex-mem- 
ber of the Council for the Defense of the State and delegate to 
the peace conference with Soviet Russia, chairman of the Central 
Executive Committee of the Polish Socialist Party. 

2. Kazimierz Baginski, ex-member of the Sejm, a member of 
military organizations, an officer in the Polish Army, decorated 
with the order "Virtuti Militari". 

3. Adam Ciolkosz, ex-member of the Sejm, an active worker 
of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) in Tarnow. 

4. Vladimir Tselevich, ex-member of the Sejm. 

5. Aleksander Dembski, ex-member of the Sejm, ex-voyvoda 
and renowned social worker of the Populist Party. 

6. Stanislaw Dubois, ex-member of the Sejm, a member of 
the editorial staff of "Robotnik", a worker in the organization of 

7. Wladyslaw Kiernik, ex-member of the Sejm, ex-Minister 
of the Interior and a member of the Polish Delegation to the 
peace conference with Soviet Russia. 

8. Jan Kwiatkowski, ex-member of the Sejm. 

9. Osyp Kohut, ex-member of the Sejm. 

10. Herman Liberman, ex-member of the Sejm, the attorney 
of the Legionaries in the well known trial at Marmarosz-Sziget, 
prosecutor for the Sejm in the impeachment by the Tribunal of 
the State of Minister Czechowicz. 

11. Jan Leszczynski, ex-member of the Sejm. 

12. Mieczyslaw Mastek, ex-member of the Sejm, vice-chair- 
man of the Union of Railroad-workers. 

13. Jozef Putek, ex-member of the Sejm and known worker 
for the peasants. 

14. Adam Pragier, ex-member of the Sejm, professor at the 
Free University, known social worker. 

15. Karol Popiel, member of the Sejm till 1928, known work- 
er of the National Workers' Party. 

16. Dmytro Paliyiv, ex-member of the Sejm. 

17. Adolf Sawicki, ex-member of the Sejm. 

18. Aleksander Wislocki, ex-member of the Sejm. 

19. Wincenty Witos, ex-member of the Sejm, twice Premier 
of the Polish Government, member of the Council for the Defense 
of the State, leader of the Populist Party "Piast". 


Finally, after the dissolution of the Sejm of Silesia, there 
were arrested on September 26, 1930: 

20. Wojciech Korfanty, ex-member of the Sejm, known na- 
tional social worker in the region which was once under Prussian 
occupation, who was arrested in his house in Katowice. 

To these persons there were added, 21, Bacmaga, ex-member 
of the Sejm, a member of the "Non-partisan Bloc of Cooperation 
with the Government," who has been deprived of his immunity 
by the Sejm on charges proffered against him for crimes, thefts 
and embezzlements. 

The arrest of the above persons has been decided upon by 
the government some time earlier, as was confirmed by the Prime 
Minister on September 14, 1930, who stated that he had ordered 
to collect the cases investigated by the public Prosecutor's office. 
This is also confirmed by the fact that already several days before 
the arrests the government had ordered to vacate the wards of 
the military prison at Brest-on-the-Bug and to transfer Mr. Kost- 
ek-Biernacki, Colonel of the 38th regiment of infantry in Prze- 
mysl, to the office of commandant of the fortress of Brest. The 
officials who carried out the arrests had therefore plenty of time 
to apply to the proper courts regarding this matter and to obtain 
from them the necessary warrants for the arrest of the accused. 
In spite of this the arrests were carried out WITHOUT 
COURT WARRANTS, on a mere written order of the Minister 
of the Interior Mr. Skladkowski, an ORDER which LACKED 

Such methods of arresting, being contrary to the precepts of 
criminal procedure now in force, are an outright violation of the 
law by the government. 

{Those individuals enumerated under 4, 9, 11, l6 and 18, are Ukrain- 
ians by race. 

Some of them are men prominent in social work or politics: Tselevich, 
Kohut, and Paliyiv are prominent as political leaders. The interpellation 
significantly omits to mention these facts, thus by omission giving the ex- 
pression to the current Polish conception that only he who works for the 
Polish race may be considered as useful to the Polish State. — Ed.) 


The men arrested in such an unusual way were spirited away 
by the state police and military gendarmes in closed carriages in 
an unknown direction. The whole trip they were called various 
names and threatened. During the trip, beyond the city of Siedlce, 


NESS. - ' 

At a ceitain moment P. P., the commissar of the pohce leading 
the e^f^oTt, bade the chauffeur stop and ordered Dr. Liberman to 
alight from the auto. After a moment a military gendarme or- 
dered him to go to the forest, where he was awaited by the 
commissar P.P. Dr. Liberman, suspecting some trap, refused to 
go, but was driven into the forest with the butts of the gendarmes' 
rifles. When he stood in the forest before the commissar P.P., 
the latter addressed him, "Why don't you come, knave, when I'm 
calling you?" and he struck him twice in the neck, straining his 

Under these blows Dr. Liberman fell to the ground; his head 
was then wrapped with his own coat, one of the escorts sat on 
his head, his clothes were torn off and while they called him names 
and abused him, saying, "How dare you accuse Czechowicz? 
How dare you raise your voice against the Lord Marshal?"*), 
they whipped him till he lost consciousness. He received more 
than twenty bleeding wounds, which some time after the incident 
were attested by Mr. Karol Popiel, who was imprisoned with him. 
After this cruel attack Dr. Liberman regained consciousness only 
later while he was being dragged back to the automobile by two 
men escorting him. 


The arrested men were illegally brought into a miHtary prison 
in Brest-on-Bug (Brest-Litovsk — Edit.), which is ruled by military 
authorities, headed by Colonel Kostek-Biernacki, especially dele- 
gated for that purpose — although all of the prisoners were civilians 
and in spite of the fact that they were accused by civilian authori- 

Having been placed thus, contrary to the laws in force, into 
a military fortress, they were subjected, in the capacity of con- 
scripts, to military authorities, particularly to Colonel Kostek- 
Biernacki. In this manner they were removed from the power 
of proper judicial authorities, although the law in force explicitly 
prescribes that prisons of all kinds and all the civilian prisoners 
are subject to the Minister of Justice (Deci-ee of the President of 
the Polish Republic, dated March 17, 1928, as quoted in the official 
Law Reports 29/28), and that military prisons serve only for the 
detention of persons subject to military tribunals (Decree of the 
Min. of MiHtary Affairs, dated October 29, 1921, No. 4996/19.). 

♦ Pilsudski. 


This illegally applied intervention of military authorities re- 
garding the arrested was also further applied auilng the investiga- 
tion against the prisoners, as, on September 11, 1930, i^r, Liberman 
was summoned before the investigating magistrate, in -vhose 
room, beside the magistrate, were also Colonel Kostek-Biernacki, 
several officers and prosecutor Michalowski. Dr. Liberman, hav- 
ing answered the general questions about himself, and having 
declared that he is not guilty, asked in what way he was supposed 
to have committed the crime he was charged with, and received 
the answer from the magistrate, "by preparing the conference of 
the Centrolew, which was intended to overthrow the government 
by force". 

There then took place the following exchange of remarks 
between the arrested man and the magistrate. 

"Which public prosecutor accuses me of that crime?" 

A. "The Public Prosecutor of Warsaw". 

Q. "Why then am I in Brest, in a military prison?" 

A. "I don't know that. That is not my affair." 

Q. "What shall I do to communicate with the judge or pros- 

A. "You may bring an application to the prosecutor." 

At this moment Col. Kostek-Biernacki broke in, declaring, "I 
must correct this statement. There won't be any application. 
You will be called to report." 

This declaration, contrary to the provisions of the code of 
criminal procedure was received both by the examining magistrate 
and the prosecutor in silence. 

The arrested were cut off from the world in a manner so far 
unheard of in law; they were kept incommunicado, were allowed 
to see neither their attorneys nor their nearest relatives, although 
these were the requests tendered both by Dr. Liberman and Mr. 
Korfanty when they felt themselves near death. What was the 
purpose of this isolation it is difficult to grasp, especially today 
after the arrested were released on bail without fear that they 
will influence their witnesses or destroy the traces of their "crimes". 
An inference must be made, therefore, that it was dictated by 
considerations others than those of a proper conduct of the said 
inquiry, the more so, as the investigating magistrate repeatedly 
declared to the family intervening that the decision in the matter 
did not depend upon him. 



To the arrested was applied the military rule, wMch is not 
applied even to those deserting from the army. 

Military regulations unusually severe, w^hich were illegally 
applied to the arrested civilians, were made still more severe by 
the practice of the officers and gendarmes or the Polish Army 
who conducted the prison. 

The men, who, in Polish society occupied high social posi- 
tions, were usually addressed by the gendarmes and the officers 
as "thou", assailed with most vulgar names, and were forced to 
perform the hardest and most menial labor. Mr. Witos, once the 
Premier of the Polish cabinet, for many years deputy of the 
Polish Sejm, the defender of the Polish Legionists, Reserve Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel of the Polish Army; Dr. H, Liberman, professor 
Pragier of the Free University, and others, were made to clean, 
with rags or short brooms, that is almost with bare hands, lava- 
tories, to scrub floors and corridors, under military guard, to such 
a degree that they swooned out of sheer exhaustion. Dr. Liber- 
man, as a result of such treatment, suffered a severe heart attack 
and could reach his ward only with the help of his comrade, Mr. 

The prisoners were refused a bath, and were allowed to wash 
their feet only rarely, each time after a special report to the 

Until November 9, 1930, the prisoners received food which 
was especially intended to starve them and which was contrary 
both to all regulations published in this matter and to prevailing 
customs. The investigating magistrate continually refused the 
families of the prisoners to supply food, on the pretext that the 
food rations which the prisoners received were sufficient. 


For any trifling violations of the prison regulations or any 
disrespect towards the prison guards, were visited upon the pris- 
oners most inhumane disciplinary punishments. 

Individual prisoners were thrown into a dark room in solitary 
confinement, where they were not given even a bucket for their 
natural needs. The hard bed had no straw-sack on it, only blocks 
of wood placed at a distance from one another. The punishment 
included fasting, during which the prisoners were given only a 
crumb of bread and warm salted water. 



About once a week the prisoners were searched although they 
had no communication either with one another 'or with the out- 
side world so that any suspicion that they could have any object 
not permitted by the regulations was completely unfounded. 
These searches, therefore, as a rule carried out at night, were 
merely one of the methods intended to break the spirit and com- 
plete the physical tortures of the prisoners. For the purpose of 
search the prisoners were taken from all wards to one, special 
half-dark room in the basement. The prisoners were denuded 
and had to stand with their bare feet on a cold floor, and all 
through the procedure were treated in a contemptuous manner by 
the prison guards conducting the search. 


The most terrible of all, however, was the fiendish maltreat- 
ment, physical and moral, of the prisoners. 

During the night following October 9, 1930, a turnkey led 
Mr. Karol Popiel through an illuminated corridor to the prison 
office, behind which there was a dark, empty hall. On the thresh- 
old there stood a captain of the Department of Equipment of 
the Min. of Milit. Affairs. When Mr. Popiel, at the captain's 
command, stepped over the threshold of the dark room, he was 
seized by several hands. One of the gendarmes grabbed him by 
the head, another by the legs under the knees and he was thrown 
upon a bench. A wet blanket was thrown over his back, and as 
he called, "Have fear of God !" he received the first blow with an 
iron tool, probably a rifle ramrod, and heard a voice say, "This 
is for Sikorski ! This is for Zymirski !" 

Of such blows Mr. Popiel received at least thirty. In the 
process of the beating he swooned, and regaining consciousness 
momentarily he heard them count, "twenty five" and then after 
several seconds the order "Stop" and the flogging was interrupted. 
The captain present at this proceeding addressed the tortured 
prisoner, "You may be happj'- that you received so little. Next 
time the Marshal Pilsudski will send a bullet through your skull." 
Mr. Popiel was then passed from hand to hand and led to the 
ward in the cellar where he was kept several days. 

The flogging of Mr. Popiel was witnessed by Capt. Mieczy- 
slaw Kedzierski. The ward into which he was thrown after flog- 
ging was often visited by Major Edward Gorczynski of the old 
Legion of "Shooters". 


In a similar manner were flogged also Mr. Baginski and Mr. 
Korfanty, while Dr. Putek and Barlicki were mauled by a gen- 
darme, and Mr. Kohut and others had their ears boxed in a bar- 
barous manner. 

This enumeration does not exhaust, however, the sum of the 
victims of the savage behavior of the military prison personnel. 

While any of the prisoners were being flogged, the motor 
pumping water was set in motion to muffle by its noise the groans 
of the victims. The starting of the motor came to be for the 
prisoners a sign that one of them was being subjected again to 
the torture of flogging. 


Alongside with these physical tortures the prisoners were 
subjected to still more cruel mental tortures. Cut off completely 
from the world, not knowing what was going on in the country, 
ignorant of the charges preferred against them, or of the fate 
which was in store for them, — the prisoners remained under a 
constant threat of death. Colonel Biernacki declared to Dr. Pra- 
gier quite frankly, "You have insulted my superior, which is equal 
to your insulting myself. I could shoot you under this wall, and 
nobody would give me a word of reproach for it!" 

In a like manner Colonel Biernacki expressed himself before 
Dr. Liberman, saying that "all the prisoners' fate depends upon 
Marshal Pilsudski and only the Marshal's word will decide their 
fate." One of the officers, whose name is unknown, declared in 
Dr. Liberman's presence, "The fate of the prisoners depends en- 
tirely upon Marshal Pilsudski's decision; should he order them 
to be killed, they will be killed, should he order to maim them 
they will be maimed." Colonel Biernacki declared to Mr. Bar- 
licki, "You have so insulted Marshal Pilsudski that you can not 
count upon the courts." 

For the purpose of keeping this threat in the consciousness 
of the prisoners, mock executions were arranged from time to 
time. Thus in the first days of October, 1930, an officer entered 
the ward in which were Dr. Liberman and Mr. Popiel, and gave 
the order, "Put on your overcoat !" ordering the inmates to follow 
him. Asked by Mr. Popiel if they were to take bread with them, 
the officer answered, "You will need nothing now," and made a 
significant gesture with his hand. Both prisoners were brought 
to a ward in the cellar in which the usual searches were made. 
The ward was empty, the straw-sack of the bed was removed and 


straw was scattered all over the floor. As Dr. Liberman and 
Mr. Popiel were thus led there they were convinced that they 
would be executed. 

After a moment they heard a commotion and the sounds of 
steps in the neighboring ward, and then the command, "Turn to 
the wall !" Then a sharp report, as if of two shots. In mortal 
anxiety they waited for their turn. After a long while their cell 
was opened slowly and three persons entered with an officer. 
There was again a command, "Turn to the wall'" and they were 
sure that shots would follow. But it all ended only in shooting 
over their heads and in a search. 


To carry out these tortures and to oversee their application 
officers of the Polish Army were used, especially commissioned 
from their detachments for the service at Brest. 

Thus were commissioned : 

1. Colonel Kostek-Biernacki, the commandant of the Infant- 
ry Regiment No. 38, at Przemysl; 

2. Colonel Ryszanek from the Higher Military School ; 

3. Major Edward Gorczynski of the Service of Communica- 
tions ; 

4. Major Stanislaw Perko, the associate commandant of the 
School of Reserve Officers in Modlin; 

5. Captain Majta of the Field Artillery Regiment No. 20; 

6. Captain Mieczyslaw Kiedzierski of the Department of 
Equipment of the Ministry of Military Affairs. 

By the above illegal arrests ; by the subjection of civilian 
prisoners illegally to military discipline ; by detaining them in a 
military prison, contrary to the law ; by the treatment, above de- 
scribed, by the inhumane maltreating of them ; — and finally by 
the use of the officers of the Polish Army — not only the law then 
in force was violated by the government of that time, but the 
honor and the dignity of the State and of the Polish people were 
trampled upon. 

In view of these facts, the undersigned interpellate : 

1. What does the Premier intend to do in order to bring those 
guilty to a responsibility and punishment? 

2. What steps does he intend to undertake to make similar 
violations of the rights of the citizens of the State in the future' 

Warsaw, December 16, 1930. 




The Brest affair came before the Judiciary Committee on 
January 20, 1931, as a result of the motions of the Polish National 
Club and the Ukrainian Club. At the beginning of the meeting of 
the committee DEP. TROMPCZYNSKI made a motion to elect 
a vice-chairman to conduct the meeting of today since Mr. Car, the 
chairman of the Commitee, is an interested party. Vice-marshal 
Car declared that as a minister he is responsible only to the State 
Tribunal and for this reason he would not put the motion to vote. 

DEPUTY PASCHALSKI, of the B.B., then took the floor and 
made his report on the motion of the B. B. about the Brest affair. 

He explained the charges that the ex-deputies had been ar- 
rested in the night-time without a warrant from a judge and 
they had been spirited away in closed automobiles to Brest ; the 
speaker explained that the public prosecutor has the right to 
arrest whenever there is a danger of the culprit running away. 
The district court of Warsaw discussed the affair and confirmed 
the decision. Imprisonment in a military jail is permissible in some 
cases. The Committee has no right to intercede because of the 
isolation of the ex-deputies in the prison. Whether the arrests 
were illegal, this is not the matter to be decided by the Committee, 
since this would mean that the Committee has the right to over- 
rule the decisions of the courts. In conclusion he presented the 
following resolution : "Be it resolved by the High Sejm that the 
motion of the National Club on the arrest of the ex-deputies and 
the treatment of those deputies in the Brest prison be rejected as 
being in part without foundation, in part inadmissible, according 
to the section 87, of the Polish Constitution." 

In the discussion which followed the floor was taken by Deputy 
ST. STRONSKI, of the National Club. Deputies Liberman and 
Popiel, he said, were flogged, Baginski was called out to the cor- 
ridor to receive documents, and was boxed on the ears, Korfanty 
was ordered to carry a pail and was slapped on the face, on that 
occasion, four times. Dembski was whipped in the ward, after 
the lights had been put out. When Dembski showed the doctor 
the marks of the whipping, the doctor said that there was no medi- 
cine for it, iodine being too sharp, and advised him to use plain 
cold water. Physicians testify now that the prisoners had left 
the prison in broken health. The speaker recalled that Mr. Slawek 
says in his book that the Warsaw jail was not so bad, and he recalls 


Pilsudski's book entitled "Behind the Bars and Wires of the Pris- 
oner Camps", in which the author praises a German general who 
protested against violation of Prussian laws by the mangement 
of the camp. The prisoners of Brest were starved. Judge Demant, 
when notified of it, made a face as if he learnt it for the first 
time. Finally the speaker says he sees no difference between the 
Polish and the Ukrainian prisoners. He believes that after he 
learns the charges against the Ukrainian deputies, he might ad- 
mit that crimes have been committed, perhaps even felonies against 
the State, but so far he cannot accept as legal such treatment as 
is at present applied to the Ukrainian prisoners and deputies in 
Brest. Why should the Primate of Poland call the attention of the 
President to the dangers of the Brest affair, as he did at the begin- 
ning of October? Why should the scientists of the world file their 
protest in this matter? Poland cannot exist if she is permeated 
with such spirit. She must be loyal to her civilization. 

The objections of the Opposition were answered by MICHAL- 
OWSKI, the Minister of Justice. He said that the deputies were 
arrested in accordance with the law, and that the interpellation 
can produce no facts which are contrary to the law and decrees 
in force. All those who were arrested are now free, and they may 
bring complaints in the regular way, and this they failed to do. 
A motion in the Sejm is not the proper method. The motion 
should be rejected. 

11 men voted for the motion, 11 against the motion. As the 
chairman of the Committee refused to use his right to vote, the 
motion failed. 

"Novy Chas", Lviv, January 26, 1931. 


After the motion of the National Club in the Brest affair 
was voted down in the Judiciary Committee of the Sejm, on Jan- 
uary 20, 1931, the Committee started the debate on the motion of 
the Ukrainian Club, according to which the Government was to 
investigate the Brest events and to punish the guilty ones. 

The report on the matter was presented by deputy PASCHAL- 
SKI, a lawyer, member of the B.B., who made a motion that the 
Ukrainian motion be rejected in the similar manner as was that of 
the (Polish) National Club. 

After him the floor was taken by deputy Dr. STEPHEN 
BILAK, member of the Judiciary Committee, who spoke in the 
name of the Ukrainian Club. He declared that he could add no 


new facts of maltreatment of deputies at Brest to those already 
presented as the Ukrainian prisoners of Brest, namely ex-deputies : 
Tselevych, Paliyiv, Lishchynsky, and Vyslotsky, are still in prison 
and their lips are sealed. During- the discussion of a parallel motion 
of the National Club individual speakers have already expressed 
their opinion. The speaker states that in spite of everything the 
Brest affair has not made upon the Ukrainian public such a pro- 
found impression as it has made upon the Polish. The cause of 
this is that the martyrology of the political prisoners in Poland 
is nothing- nev^ for the Ukrainians. For the Ukrainian prisoners 
the Brest affair is but another link in the chain of their martyr- 
ology. This could be attested even by today's sponsor of the mo- 
tion of the B.B. club, Mr. Paschalski, w^ho, having been a lawyer 
for the defense in political trials, knows only too well the fate of 
Ukrainian political prisoners in Polish jails, not only during the 
period following the coup d'etat of May, but also that period 
when the reins of the government were in the hands of the Polish 
National Democrats, who now find in themselves so much sym- 
pathy for political prisoners. 

After all, the Brest events are pale when compared with the 
horrifying events of the period of the so-call-ed pacification of 
Eastern Galicia, events which have fully occupied the minds of 
the Ukrainian public. 

Still even the Brest events have found a painful echo among 
the Ukrainians. This is not only because the representatives of 
the Ukrainian people have suffered there directly, but also because 
human dignity was trampled upon, because the physical and psychic 
torments of the prisoners were capped by sneers at the name of 
Ukraine, because into the whirls were carried also passions of racial 

In conclusion, — said deputy Dr. Bilak, — I want to warn the 
gentlemen who today rule the Polish State, that the Brest events 
have strengthened the system of harmful methods the conse- 
quences of which will not be slow in coming. The Brest events 
have produced anarchy in the territory of Eastern Galicia which 
manifests itself in the fact that there begins to grow up a new 
ruling power, which is police commandants. You are mistaken, 
gentlemen, if you think that a district is ruled by a "starosta" (the 
supreme officer of the district, — Ed.). No, the entire district is 
today directed by the commandant of the police. It is they who 
today decide what is allowed and what is prohibited. They tell 
already the people quite frankly, "Now here is our law, and we do 
as we like." The supreme officers of the districts, voyvodas (the 


supreme officers of the provinces, — Ed.), even the superiors of the 
police forces do not exist for them. They soon will outgrow also 
you, and they will decide whether you have the right to sit here 
or not. 

This, the speaker says, is the root of the Brest scandal, and 
without considering the formal fate of the Brest motions in the 
Judiciary Committees and the Houses of the Parliament, he advised 
the interested parties to stop to consider the very essence of the 
Brest affair. 

After Dr. Bilak concluded his speech, deputy ST. STRONSKI 
declared that he supports the motion of the Ukrainian Club in the 
name of the (Polish) National Club. 

DEPUTY DR. ZAHAYKEVYCH, of the Ukrainian Club, de- 
picted the uncertainty of the public as to the future attitude of 
the Government towards the Brest events at the time when the 
first news of them had arrived. The speeches of the representative 
of the government "bloc" and of the Minister of Justice have 
scattered all the illusions that anybody could have had concerning 
the solicitude of the government about the state of justice in the 
Nation. It is very difficult to work constructively in this choking 
atmosphere, it is impossible to investigate any matter, if one is 
to meet such unconditional and at the same time so completely 
hollow negation of the most concrete statements. Such an atti- 
tude, though easiest of all to take, is a proof that the Government 
either considers itself as one with these guilty for the Brest affair 
or has not the courage to take upon itself, in a manly way, the 
responsibility for what has happened. All the charges are con- 
crete. They are either true or false. There is no third conclu- 
sion. Having found this out, we should disclose the causes of that 
decay of the sense of justice and morality which these events re- 
veal, and which is so profound that no honest man can any longer 
keep silent. He who has none of that sense should protest at 
least for political reasons. 

The speaker expresses his astonishment that the Minister of 
Justice retorts to the charges by saying, "You lie!" In such an 
atmosphere any discussion with the government becomes difficult. 

The objections of the government that not the Parliament, 
but the court is the proper tribunal for settling such matters, are 
incorrect. The court is the proper tribunal to settle separate, 
isolated cases of judicial practice. As soon, however, as such cases 
cease being isolated, but unite into a system, a system of refined 
lawlessness, then the Parliament is the right tribunal for them. 


And the Brest arrests and whatever followed after them on the 
background of the last election have all' the traits of such a system. 

The speaker sees no legal foundation for the arrest of the 
five Ukrainian deputies, of whom deputy Kohut alone has been 
released, while the others (Vyslotsky, Lishchynsky, Paliyiv, and 
Tselevych) are still imprisoned. They were arrested allegedly for 
crimes committed by them many months before their arrests : if 
they had not escaped during those months, there was no fear that 
they might do it now. During all the months of their imprison- 
ment at Brest no investigation was conducted against them. No 
witnesses were heard. They have not heard the charges on which 
they were detained. Having passed the Calvary of Brest they were 
handed over to the proper judge of their districts, for investigation. 

And then if there were legal reasons for their arrests, why 
were those arrests carried out in such an illegal manner, amidst 
brutalities, chicanaries, torments, why were they accompanied by 
the trampling upon of the most elementary human rights? 

Into deputy Vyslotsky's house uniformed and plain-clothes 
policemen broke at 1 o'clock in the night-time. They hammered 
first at his doors, ordering him to open. When a door was opened, 
in ran three men in uniforms, two in plain clothes, a commissar 
of police and a trooper. These policemen who wore uniforms had 
torn off their numbers. The Commissar yelled at Vylotsky, "Dress ! 
Thou wilt go with us ! Now everything is finished ! Marshal Pil- 
sudski won't stand for it any longer!" The automobiles in which 
he was transported also had no numbers, and they traveled with- 
out lights. 

Deputy Lishchynsky was an exception in that he was arrested 
in the daytime. In his absence a search was made in his house, 
and his two sons were taken to the police station. As soon as he 
came to his house, two plain-clothes men came after him and took 
him to the police station. Thinking that he was summoned in the 
matter of his sons, he went as he was. In the street he was ordered 
to take a seat in an auto. When the drive seemed too long, he 
asked where he was being taken. He received no answer. He 
found himself in Brest. Not one of the Ukrainian deputies knew 
at the moment of his arrest that he was to be taken to Brest. 

We have now detailed information how the Ukrainian deputies 
were treated in Brest. How they were driven in the night-time 
out of their beds, driven, amidst curses and beatings, to cold wards, 
ordered to undress completely, to turn their face to the walls, to 
hand to the gendarmes the various portions of their clothing, 
which the gendarmes threw down to the dirty floor and then or- 


dered to pick them quickly up and dress. Such searches lasted 
each time half an hour and more. Some of them were frozen to 
the bones during each search. Coming back to their wards, they 
found there their things and straw beddings littering the floor, — 
after another search in their absence. 

The speaker describes other details of the life of the Ukrainian 
deputies in Brest prison. Deputy Paliyiv was wrapped up in a 
carpet, taken for an automobile ride, driven for a long time, the 
automobile stopping several times, and the drivers discussing shoot- 
ing him. Deputy Vyslotsky, returning to his ward from a visit 
at the prison physician's, where he reported himself sick, was over- 
taken in the corridor by a captain, kicked down, beaten with a 
revolver butt on the shoulders, the captain finally delivering him to 
a top-sergeant ! "Give him such a beating that he should lose 
once for ever his desire to report to the doctor, or should croak 
in jail !" As the gendarme began beating Vyslotsky, he started 
to yell. The captain drew his revolver and compelled him to keep 
quiet. Deputy Tselevych was condemned to the "dark room" for 
peeping through a keyhole into the corridor. Such facts are not 
isolated. They were regular, they were a system. 

The Polish deputies were spared one humiliation of the Uk- 
rainian deputies : their racial feelings were not outraged. The 
Ukrainian deputies were as a rule addressed by the prison authori- 
ties in words which are unprintable. The least they heard was, 
"Thou, Ukrainian hog. Go, thou — . . . son. Ukrainian cattle !" 
such things were a daily occurrence. 

In conclusion the speaker calls attention to the fact that those 
men had not yet been convicted of any crime. They were merely 
detained allegedly for the purpose of inquiry. The codes of all 
the countries in the world differentiate between the position of one 
who has been found guilty and one who is merely suspected. In 
civilized countries even one already condemned for a crime is still 
considered, and treated as, a man. The Brest wardens and guards 
knew neither laws nor prison regulations ; the most elementary 
conceptions of humanity were foreign categories to them. 

When the vote was taken, 12 deputies declared themselves for 
the motion, 17 against it. Thus the Ukrainian motion was shelved 
just as was the motion of the (Polish) National Club. 



The Senate Judiciary Committee discussed yesterday the mo- 
tion of the National Club on the Brest affair. A lively debate 
lasted from 6 till 11 o'clock in the evening and was attended by a 
great number of deputies and senators. 

The government vi^as represented in the debate by Mr. Michal- 
owski, the Minister of Justice. 

The report on the motion of the National Club was made by 
Senator Poczetowski, of the Club B. B., who in his speech used 
for the most part the arguments which had been advanced by 
deputy Paschalski, of the B. B. Club, who reported the m.atter in 
the committee of the Sejm. 

The speaker took the standpoint that, in opposition to Sejm, 
the senate has no right even to create a special committee for 
the purpose of conducting inquests and investigations. In view of 
this, the Judicial Committee must state that the accusations con- 
tained in the part 4, of the motion of the National Club, may not 
be debated by the Committee. In view of this the Senator makes 
the following motion: 

"The motion of the National Club on the arrests of ex-deputies 
and on their treatment in the Brest fortress is rejected as un- 
founded and inadmissable." 

turn, made the following declaration: 

"High committee! I make a motion to reject the motion of 
the National Club. It contains charges unjust and legally un- 

"The proponents, when charging that the arrest of the ex- 
deputies was contrary to the law in force, disregard completely 
the art. 167, of the Code of Criminal Procedure, w^hich leaves 
no doubt that the police were entitled to arrest those suspected of 
a crime without limitation as to the time or place of the temporary 

"The wide argument of the proponents on the allegedly illegal 
placing of the arrested ex-deputies in the prison of Brest-on-the- 
Bug is also devoid of all significance. The question was already 
discussed by several departments of the district court of Warsaw, 
which, composed of different magistrates, rejected all the com- 
plaints of the defense of the arrested ex-deputies in this matter. 
Those judicial decisions are already above any appeal and may 
not be adjudicated any more, nor be an object of any discussion in 


any legislative body, according to the art. 77 , part 2, of the Polish 

"Not less unfounded is that part of the motion which refers 
to the isolation of the prisoners from the outside world. This 
sphere is regulated by the law, which leaves the matter completely 
within the judge's discretion without any respect as to what kind 
of case this is, if the evidence is direct or circumstantial, who is 
the person arrested. Our court practice knows cases in which 
detention of the arrested during the inquiry lasted live months 
and even longer. 

"Finally, the last part of the motion refers to the alleged 
fact of beating and torturing the arrested; such acts should be 
the object of proper complaints to the authorities, leading to the 
investigation. During the stay of the arrested in Brest, the prison 
was visited by the prosecutor several and various judges many 
times, but neither the prosecutor nor the judges received such com- 
plaints. Now that the illustrious majority of the accused have been 
free already several weeks, not even one of the allegedly wronged 
persons has brought a suit to this very day, and this is the legal 
and only proper method to clear the matter." 


SENATOR GODLEWSKI, of the National Club, was the first 
to speak in the debate. 

The speaker confessed to be disappointed in the speech of the 
senator who gave the report : The senator continued on the same 
formal-legal path trod by the deputy who had given the report in 
the Sejm committee. The speaker expected that in the higher 
House the matter would be conceived deeper, that the sense of 
law, justice and human dignity are truths which are not subject 
to any doubts. He analyzes minutely individual articles quoted 
by the Minister of Justice and the senator who made the report, 
proving that there was no reason for their application or that they 
were applied wrongly. 

Passing to the question of placing the civilian prisoners into 
a military prison of Brest, sen. Godlewski quoted the decree of 
the President of the Polish Republic, dated April 22, 1928, and 
the preliminary prison regulations published by the Minister of 
the Military Affairs, dated October 22, 1919, which proved beyond 
all doubt that bringing civilian prisoners to Brest and detaining 
them there is contrary to, the law. He rejects the statement of 
the Minister according to which the senate has no right to enter 
into this matter . . . According to the art. 2, of the Polish Con- 


stitution the Sejm and the Senate have not only the right, but 
even the duty to see that the government authorities should per- 
form their duties and to start investigations and to call to account 
all those guilty of excesses. So far no action was started and no 
investigation w^as inaugurated. 

The senator further depicted the tormenting of the prisoners, 
expatiating upon the experience of the deputy Deeski. He quoted 
finally an instruction to the military prisoners of Warsaw, which 
prohibits all kinds of chicanery, and the Art. 98 of the Polish 
Constitution, which says that all the punishments accompanied 
by physical torments are not permitted and nobody may be sub- 
jected to them. Finally, he answered the Minister's objection that 
the persons wronged have failed to bring an action in courts, 
the speaker remarked that the wronged persons have the right 
to bring such an action, but they have no duty, as is the case 
with the public prosecutor, who is obligated by the Art. 2, part. 1, 
to start such an investigation. The public prosecutor, however, 
kept silent. 

The speaker returns to what he had said at the outset : that 
the government had tried to create a sham of legality, an arti- 
ficial structure of commentaries, but behind those legal artifices 
there hides a monstrous truth about Brest, a live truth, which 
can be concealed by no artful argumentation. Finally, he refutes 
the objections of those who think that the motion of the National 
Club is a running board of the Opposition for their attacks against 
the government and that State reasons make it imperative to shelve 
them. There is no doubt that the arrest and detention of the ex- 
deputies was a political act, and an unusual one. But the main 
matter is the treatment of the prisoners at Brest, i.e., the moral 
side of the affair takes the first place. The Brest aft'air points to 
the degeneration not only of all the sense of justice but even of 
all the ethics and morahty. How much err those who try to 
screen the Brest aft'air behind the considerations of the State ! 
Such a treatment of the affair bring greatest damage to the Polish 
State. . . . The affair is followed with anxiety by all those for 
whom the problem of the Polish State was a dream and who had 
suffered and died for that idea. The Brest methods are not 
Polish methods; they came to us from the East, they are inimical 
to the Christian culture in which the Polish people have grown 
and which constitutes the people's true face. 

SENATOR KOPCENSKI, of the Polish Socialist Party, em- 
phasized that the Brest affair stamped on the rights of man. One 
feels in Poland as if one were in a nightmare. The Brest affair 


was an education during the election in all those places where its 
methods were imitated. This system creates a new type of a Pole, 
the type of Brest Pole, a la Col. Kostek-Biernacki. Even some 
members of the "B.B." walk absorbed deeply in their own thoughts, 
but they have no courage to act according to their conscience, 
bound as they are by secrecy and command. Keeping such secret 
obligations is a mistake if not a crime. 

SENATOR MAR J AN SEYDA, of the National Club: The 
Minister and the Party "B.B." demand that the Parliament should 
keep silent on the Brest affair, on the ground that such a dis- 
cussion would be an unconstitutional act. On the other hand, ac- 
cording to you, the Brest has been in accord with the Polish con- 
stitution, for some of you, as for Mr. Anusz, even an ideal, or 
as he expressed himself, an acme of the political sense of Joseph 

You demand that the Parliament and the public should keep 
mum, since the protests and condemnations of the Brest affair 
undermine the authority of the State and of the governmental 
organs, since we are passing now through a difficult economic 
crisis, and so on. But according to you, the Brest affair in itself 
has not undermined the authority of the State and of the govern- 
mental organs, neither with us, nor with foreigners. But you 
better ask Minister Zaleski, who just returned from Geneva, what 
are the effects of the Brest affair abroad? 

You demand that the Parliament and the public should keep 
mum since this makes the administration of justice more difficult. 
Well, I'll ask 3^ou, gentlemen, what does that administration of 
justice look like ? In what stage are the investigations ? What has 
already been ascertained? Would the Minister give me a clear 
and well defined answer, since nobody so far knows anything 
about the administration of justice ? 

Gentlemen express their astonishment that those who had 
suffered in Brest do not make motion to the public prosecutor. 
First, it is the duty of the public prosecutor to start an investiga- 
tion, out of his own initiative ; secondly, the gentlemen know very 
well why those who had been tormented in Brest refuse to be the 
complainants, against whom a charge may be easily brought, but 
witnesses who could make their deposition freely under oath. 

When, however, you refuse to start an investigation, then 
we shall help you out. I call your attention, Mr. Minister, that 
the "Kurjer Poznanski", of which I am the editor, branded the 
Brest affair ten times. I appeal to you urgently to start pro- 
cedings against my newspaper, in the essence of the Brest affair, 


and perhaps will the Minister of Justice also bring- an action 
against us for libel ! This would be the best opportunity to hear 
witnesses of Brest under oath and to ascertain the truth if the 
Brest affair is a scandal or not. 

I may assure you, gentlemen, that if you should not follow 
this advice, then nobody of you will succeed in suppressing the 
conscience of the instinct of self-preservation of the people since 
the people are well aware of the fact that the Brest affair is not 
an isolated excess, but a link in an entire chain, as it was admitted 
by Mr. Anusz himself. In my opinion, for instance, the system of 
elections was still worse in its consequences for the State than the 
Brest affair. With my own eyes I saw how the people of the 
Western provinces of Poland cried at the sight of the police, 
making a passage for the pro-government gangs trying to break 
up popular meetings. Woe, both to us, and to you, if the lower 
strata of the society, the street, will raise their voice. It should 
not be permitted for the sole reason of keeping the power, to 
push the people and the State into the abyss in the name of the 
principle, "After me — the deluge." We praise physical force, but 
only when it is based upon a moral power and carries with it 
salvation for the people and the state. 

SENATOR WOZNICKI, of the Christian Club, alluded to the 
words of the preceding speaker, stating that in the town of Kato- 
wice a lawsuit had been started against the "Gazeta Robotnicza" 
about the Brest affair, but the government, having heard the first 
witnesses, withdrew the suit and released the editor. You may 
bring suits not only against the editors, but also against the mem- 
bers of the Parliament, and we will be glad to stand to your dis- 
posal in order to clear up the truth. 

SENATOR ROMAN, of the party "B.B.", in a long speech 
defended the Minister. SENATOR MAKUCH, of the Ukrainian 
Club, voiced his satisfaction that the Poles had suffered in Brest 
what the Ukrainians, in his opinion, have been suffering for ten 

SENATOR POCZETOWSKI, of the B. B., supported his 
original report. The Minister of Justice did not speak. 


When the vote on the motion to reject the motion of the 
National Club was taken, the motion was accepted by the votes 
of the B.B. against 5 votes of the Opposition, 

"Kurjer Warszawski", January 24, 1930. 



The result of the vote in the Seym was as follows : 383 deputies 
voted, of which 382 were valid. 232 deputies, all of the B.B., de- 
clared themselves in favor of the motion of the Judicial Committee, 
Against the motion voted 150 deputies, namely those of the (Pol- 
ish) National Club, Christian Democratic, the N.P.R., and the racial 

After the result of the vote was promulgated, the members of 
the Opposition started to shout, "Shame ! Shame !" and to sing the 
song, "When the people rise to struggle !" The Marshal (Speaker) 
of the Seym called deputy Puzak to order and excluded deputy 
Dubois, of the Polish Socialist Party, out of the House for one day. 

The motion of the Ukrainian Club on the Brest affair was 
rejected by a regular majority. 

"Kurjer Warszawski", in Polish, January 27, 193L 

(The N. P. R., "Narodowa Partja Robotnicza", — the National Labor 
Party. — Ed.) 


On January 26, at 4:30 P.M. a vote was taken on the motion 
of a member of the majority to reject the motion of the National 
Club on the Brest affair. The result was that the motion was 
accepted by 68 votes of the B.B. Against it voted 24 senators of 
the (Polish) National Club, of the Peasant Club, Christian Demo- 
crats, Polish Socialist Party, and of the racial minorities. Two 
slips were blank. 

"Kurjer Warszawski, January 27, 193L 

{This concluded the motions to have the Brest ajfair investigated. The 
majority of the Polish Parliament crushed every effort in this respect. 

This was, however, only a partial victory. Outside of this verdict of 
the Parliamentary majority there was another verdict, which was merely 
overruled, hut not killed. The final settlement of the motions on the Brest 
affair by the Dictator's steamroller failed to convince the opponents. The 
Opposition continued to feel just as strongly on the affair, if not more 
strongly, than they did before the opening of the Parliament. 

The debate disclosed a profound cleavage in the Polish Parliament. 
As various deputies expressed it, the majority and the minority spoke each 
a different language. Senator Godlewski said the minority spoke the language 
of the Western Culture, under which he understood the language of the 
respect of the rights of man and of the respect for the laiv. He inferred 
that the majority cared little for the respect of the rights of man, and if 


they were respected by the law, they cared also little for the law. The most 
they are capable of, he said, is the appearance of legality. He said that the 
minority stand for the law as disrespect for the law is the first step towards 
a chaos. If the functionaries of the State, called to carry out the laws, com- 
mit illegal acts, the anarchization of society is accelerated. 

The majority of the Parliament took the stand of power. The Nation 
must be powerful, and this power must be proved by a powerful majority 
in the Parliament behind the administration. The government also proves 
its power by strong acts such as the Brest affair. The protests of the 
minority are nothing but whinings of weak people who cannot look straight 
into the face of reality. The Brest affair. Senator Roman, of the B.B., said, 
will not be a mark of shame on the escutcheon of Poland, but a historic 
warning that the struggle against political opponents may not go so far as 
to threaten the power of the State. 

Polish newspapers siding with the Government, wrote as if the Brest 
affair had been settled by disposing by the Parliament of the motions treating 
of the affair. The "Prawda," the weekly organ of Lodz manufacturers, 
wrote after the conclusion of the Brest debates in the Parliament, that the 
matter has been closed definitely, once and for all. 

The call of victory, however, was raised by the government too soon. 
The IS pi it in the Polish Parliament was but a reflection of the profound 
split in the Polish public, and disposing of the Brest motions by the majority 
of the Parliament failed to dispose of the Brest affair in the public opinion. 
That public opinion has been for long very keenly awakened to the Brest 
affair. At the very beginning of the Parliamentary debates on the Brest 
affair, the Polish daily "A. B. C." wrote {on December 29, 1930) : 

"The trial has begun. . . We are told to await the conclusion of the 
court trial . . . But the Brest trial has already begun. Not before a court, 
but before the forum of the people and history. 

"The essence of the trial has already been formulated clearly. There 
stand against each other two sides. One of them considers crime and shame 
what the other side calls an incidental error in the process of realizing the 
idea of a strong government, a sad necessity, or even a performance of , . . 
a difficult task. 

"The problem is very clear, indeed. The question is whether the 
crime should be considered a crime or a merit and an example deserving 
imitation, or if our social life should be ruled by two moralities: one 
morality destined for the favorites and friends, the other morality bequeathed 
to us by the traditions of the hordes of Genghis Khan and applicable to 
political opponents?" 

The method in which Parliament disposed of the Brest motions 
failed to calm the minds, but inflamed them still more. The more the 



public realized that it tvas hopeless to expect from Parliament any real 
step towards condemnation of the Brest methods, the louder became 
the public protests. Various meetings xvere arranged. Professors of various 
Polish universities, polytechnics, members of scientific societies, and others 
rose to protest. The convention of Polish Neivspapermen, on January 18, 
1931, demanded an ijnmediate inquiry and punishment of the guilty persons. 

The Polish government dissolved some meetings, dispersed some 
parades, suppressed some neivspapers, hut the protest went on. Then it 
began to threaten to introduce the Brest to stay. The"'Dzien Pomorski," 
a pro- government Polish daily, wrote at the beginning of February, "It is 
absolutely clear to us that further abuse of the Brest affair for the demagogic 
campaign of lies and slander carried out ivith the ai^n to organize a front 
of outraged humanism which is to be utilized for the purpose of political 
offensive of cowards, who at the occasion of the Brest adventure of their 
colleagues resorted to the Tartar custom of hiding behind the backs of their 
defenseless prisoners." Should the opposition continue in its stand, — writes 
the pro- government daily, "then the government will he compelled very 
soon to introduce exceptional methods of combating by the methods of 
government all kinds of political opposition and to stabilize the methods of 
Brest for a long time to come, in Poland's political life." 

The Socialist Cracow daily "Naprzod," however, took another attitude, 
"The Opposition is not satisfied with the formula, 'The Parliament has 
spoken, the matter is settled!' The Opposition cannot be satisfied iyi this 
case, still less so as, irrespective of the Parliament' s composition, the 
Sejm surely does not express the preponderance of the public 'opinion, 
which has concerning the Brest affair, an opinion completely different ^from 
that of the government and its defenders." 

The campaign of mutual slandering went on. 

The Polish government and public failed to settle satisfactorily their 
own problem. — Ed.^ 



Berlin, Tuesday, November 25, 1930. — The prisoners of Brest- 
Litovsk are, it appears, to be treated with greater leniency. Sev- 
eral, including Korfanty and Witos, are, I understand, to be trans- 
ferred to Torun (Thorn), where they will be allowed to have 
reading matter and other alleviation. It would seem that the idea 
of sending any prisoners to the notorious gaol, or rather dungeon, 
of the Holy Cross at Kielce has been abandoned. 

The Manchester Guardian, November 26, 1930. 



{Under such a title the Ukrainian Lviv daily "Dilo" published on De- 
cember 21, 1930, an article by Dr. Stephen Bar an, the deputy to the Polish 
Sejm at Warsaw, in which he states that the Poles still continue to treat the 
Ukrainians as if they did not exist. 

The article quotes the following incident from the proceedings in the 
Polish Parliament, an incident which is very characteristic though it does 
not appear in the stenographic protocols of the Sejm proceedings. — Ed.) 
The Polish Sejm began today (i.e. on December 16, 1930) 
its budget debates. In the general debate on the budget motions 
and the expose of Mr. Matuszewski, the acting Minister of 
Finance, participated, among others, deputy Michael Halush- 
chynksy, who spoke in the name of the Ukrainian Club. 

At this occasion there happened a characteristic event. At 
the moment when Dep. Halushchynksy started for the speakers' 
platform. Dr. Switalski, the Sejm's Marshal, rose from his seat 
and handed the chairmanship of the meeting into the hands of the 
vice-marshal Czetwertynski (an All-Pole). At the same time Mr. 
Slawek, the Premier, rose from his seat, and after him rose all 
the Ministers who were present at the meeting, with the exception 
of Marshal Pilsudski, a fact which happens in the Sejm only on 
rare occasions. All of them, as if at a given command, left their 
places empty for the full length of Halushchynsky's speech, and 
returned to the hall,- — though not all of them, — only after the 
conclusion of Halushchynsky's speech, when other deputies took 
the floor. Only then, too, was the chairmansKip resumed by Mar- 
shal Dr. Switalski. 

"Dilo", Lviv, December 21, 1930. 

{The behavior of the Polish government group finds its 
parallel in the behavior of German 'Nazis" deputies in the German 
legislative bodies. 

The speech by Deputy Halushchynsky, which gave occasion 
to the Polish Ministers for the above demonstration^ is reprinted 
below. — Ed.) 


(ON DECEMBER 16, 1930.) 
It is in accordance with a well-established parliamentary cus- 
tom as well as out of a deep realization of our duties as deputies 
and members of the Ukrainian race, that we raise our voice from 


this place during the budget debate. The parHamentary customs 
tell us to consider this platform to a certain degree a place to 
declare our stand and reveal our sentiments ; that is why we want 
to be real and just champions of the masses of Ukrainian voters and 
bring our people a strong faith and give them the encouragement, 
which they need, for further struggle for their existence not only 
as individuals but also as a race. 

When, 11 or 9 years ago, our liberatory efforts had been 
defeated by the force of arms, and contrary to the principle of 
self-determination of races, had been annexed to the Polish Nation, 
those provinces represented Ukrainian territory, with preponder- 
ating Ukrainian majority, a picture of after-war ruin, an equal 
to which it was difficult to find in any other corner of the world. 
We state the fact that we have risen out of that ruin, rebuilt our 
destroyed homes, plowed our fields covered with iron and corpses, 
and rebuilt all kinds and forms of cultural, educational and eco- 
nomic life, by our own strength, by the force of that historic at- 
tachment of our people to their own native soil, and thanks to 
the indomitable strength and energy of the Ukrainian people. By 
our own strength, unassisted and unaided by the State, we rebuilt 
and developed our economic life, deepened our educational and 
cultural work, covering the whole country with a network of 
Ukrainian private schools, of reading-rooms of the "Prosvita" 
(Enlightenment) and other cultural, educational and economic soci- 
eties, which are maintained exclusively by the strength of the 
Ukrainian people, while at the same time they fulfilled their duties 
towards the State. Not one moment, during the entire period of 
existence of the reconstructed Polish nation has the Government 
lent a helping hand to those wholesome efforts of the Ukrainian 
people, everything we have attained being thus exclusively the 
fruit of our own work, of our own hands and strength. 

I will not enter into the details of the positive and negative re- 
lations towards us on the part of those who govern us, but I must 
state here as a matter of principle, that it should be the duty of the 
governmental organs to do all they can to satisfy the needs of the 
population on the State territory. At any rate, the government, 
while making appropriations, appeals to a very high civic duty. 
That is why when doing this it should take into consideration the 
rights' and the needs of the population. Otherwise the carrying out 
of various civic duties will be felt as a burden, a compulsion, and 
almost never as a fulfillment of a duty flowing out of the creative- 
ness for oneself and others. Whether the people will reach this 
level of understanding their duties will depend upon the manner 


in which the representatives of the government v^ill formulate their 
relations to those citizens v^ho are not connected with the State by 
the sentiments of common race. 

Now, between the third and the fourth Polish Parliament there 
took place events which deeply shook the entire Ukrainian race and 
resounded with a strong echo throughout the entire world, finding 
a reaction in every Ukrainian heart, no matter where it beats. 

Under the pretext of a struggle against sabotages, conducted 
by conspirators, individuals and organizations, the Polish govern- 
ment, paying no heed to the fact that the leaders of the three 
Ukrainian parties had separated themselves from those activities, 
the Polish government, generalizing the authorship of those acts 
upon all the Ukrainians, although it was clear and subject to no 
doubt from the very beginning that there were various elements 
and motives responsible for the sabotages, the Polish government 
threw into Ukrainian villages punitive expeditions of army and po- 
lice, which tormented the defenseless people in ways unheard-of in 
this modern age, by destroying them physically and mentally, by 
killing their human dignity and material and cultural achievements 
of many generations of the Ukrainians, in the manner w^hich the 
world has been used to brand in most severe terms. There fell from 
the lips of the government the word "Pacification," the results of 
which laid upon the entire campaign a mark of unheard-of vio- 
lence, and added a new bloody page to the tragic history of 
Ukrainian martyrology. 

We are prepared that the defenders of the pacification would 
search for new motives to justify the need and methods of the 
pacification. They surely will exaggerate the details, and we will 
surely hear denials of the events that took place during the pacifi- 
cation. But when we shall look upon the pacification, as upon 
another link in the whole chain of various governmental ordinances, 
starting with the year 1919, we may understand it to be inspired 
by one guiding idea, the essence of which consists of the tendency 
to bar a whole race from the roads to life, to stop the regular 
circulation of blood, to choke the breathing, to prohibit all the 
needs which are indispensible for the existence of living organism. 

For a number of years, especially during the last two sessions 
of the Polish Parliament, the Ukrainian Club has pointed out the 
difficult position of the Ukrainian people, making proper resolu- 
tions, expressing their demands asking the Parliament to take into 
consideration the just political, cultural and economic needs of the 
Ukrainian people. But all this was a cry in the wilderness. That 
is the reason why we must raise our voice against all that is being 


done to the Ukrainian people in Poland. The Ukrainian people are 
not treated as equal citizens in their relations to the State. The 
demands which the State makes upon these people have never 
found a counter-balance in their rights. The Ukrainian people in 
the Polish State are but an object condemned merely to listen and 
to obey, perhaps to be exploited, to serve as ingredients from w^hich 
the state powder should develop, the state povv^er w^hich is conceived 
as a racial state, and not a state in vi^hich all the various races live 
alongside each other. 

Nor can we pass in silence the question of political persecu- 
tions, which find their expression in hundreds of political arrests, 
in detentions, without any real foundation, in police and judicial 
prisons, of people, accompanied by an exploitation of the difficult 
position of the victims. In particular, we cannot pass by the ar- 
rests of those who were elected the accredited representatives of 
the Ukrainian people within Poland's borders. 

Continuing the stand of the Ukrainian representation in the 
previous Parliament, we will guard also in this Parliament the 
rights and dignity of the Ukrainian race. 

Notwithstanding the unheard-of reprisals which were prac- 
ticed during the elections ; notwithstanding the fact that the gov- 
ernment used all possible methods to make electioneering more 
difficult for us and to terrorize our people; notwithstanding the 
fact that the representation of our people has grown smaller in 
number in each House of the Parliament, — we have come out of 
this election as a fighting power. The number of those who voted 
for our list gives us, the Ukrainian deputies, a clear evidence of 
confidence and faith in the indestructible power of our people. 
That is why we refuse to be counseled by despair and lack of con- 
fidence. Our creative and constructive work will be the outcome 
of the consciousness of the indomitable strength of the Ukrainian 



A meeting of the Committee on Legislative Procedure was 
held on January 22, 1931, devoted exclusively to the two motions 
of the Ukrainian Club, namely : to suspend the criminal proceed- 
ings against deputies Dr. Dniytro Levytsky and Dr. Lubomyr 
Makarushka, and to suspend the criminal proceedings against 
deputy Volodymyr Kokhan. 


In the name of the Ukrainian Club the meeting was attended 
by dep. Dr. Zahaykevych, who also had to prepare the report on 
the matter. 

The motion to suspend criminal proceedings against deputies 
Dr. Levytsky and Dr. Makarushka was reported and discussed 
first. In his well founded report, which lasted more than one hour, 
dep. Dr. Zahaykevych proved the formal and essential justice of 
the motion of the Ukrainian Club. The materials which the Min- 
ister of Justice furnished the committee on Legislative Procedure 
fail to explain satisfactorily what the deputies are charged with, 
since it is alleged only generally that the deputies, acting as the 
leaders of the "UNDO", maintained relations with the "UVO", and 
that they acted abroad to the detriment of the Polish State, in the 
direction of the revision of Poland's frontiers and breaking away 
a part of its territory. As a result of such a fault in the letter of 
the Minister of Justice, the committee is unable to form an opinion 
as to the acts in which the deputies are alleged to be involved. 

As to the essence of the problem, the deputy proved the well 
established difference between the "UVO" and the "UNDO", 
emphasizing the falsity and injustice of the charge that the 
"UVO" and the "UNDO" are identical. As to the charge about 
the propaganda abroad for the revision of Poland's frontiers, such 
propaganda is to be considered as absolutely not contrary to the 
Penal Code since the revision of the frontiers cannot fall under 
the conception of separating a section of the whole, according to 
Sect. 58 of the Penal Code. And, finally, this charge, too, is 
based only on unconfirmed conjectures, invented by spies, and does 
not justify a final indictment. At any rate, further detention of 
the deputies for the purpose of inquiry is unjust since all the 
deputies of the Polish race are free though they will have to appear 
in court. 

Dep. Stronski's motion to demand from the Minister of Justice 
a supplementary report was voted down. So was also the motion 
of the Ukrainian Club, in favor of which only Dr. Zahaykevych and 
the representative of the "PPS" voted; the "B.B." and "N.D." 
voted against it, while the representatives of the Polish Peaasnt 
Party absented themselves. 

The motion to stop criminal proceedings against deputy Volo- 
dymyr Kokhan was shelved in the same manner. 
"Dilo", Lviv, January 25, 1931. 

{The "B.B." is the pro-government party, the "^Non-Partizan Block" 
{of Co-operation with the Government) . Its allies, who vote with it against 
the Ukrainians, are the Polish National Democrats, for many years already 


known for their jingoism. The alliance in this case is another illustration 
of the difference between the tivo groups which was made so much of by 
the correspondent of the London Times. 

The difference in the treatment of the Ukrainian and the Polish depu- 
ties is significant. As soon as the elections were over, the Government 
released all the Polish deputies who had been arrested in the Government's 
campaign against the Polish Opposition. — £^.) 


The Sejm passed over to the report of the Committee on 
ParHamentary Procedure on the motions of the (PoHsh) Opposi- 
tion clubs to dismiss criminal proceedings and set free the Polish 
deputies and on the motion of the Ukrainian Club on the discon- 
tinuation of criminal proceedings against Dr. Levytsky, Mr. Ko- 
khan and Dr. Makarushka. 

The report on all these motions was presented by dep. Ekert, 
of the B. B., who read the charges raised against the Polish 
deputies (Messrs. Ciolkosz, Dobroch, Dubois, Ochniej, Sawicki, 
Smola and Wrona), and then, passing to the Ukrainian deputies, 
said: Dep. Kokhan is accused: of having, at various meetings, 
called the Ukrainian people to rise in an armed insurrection and 
to break away Eastern Galicia from Poland; of having at these 
meetings described the position of the Ukrainians as slavery; of 
having charged the Government with a desire to exterminate the 
Ukrainians, with an unjust division of taxes; and of having called 
the police bandits. Those acts constitute the crimes of high trea- 
son and breach of public peace. 

As to the deputies Dr. Levytsky and Dr. Makarushka, the 
deputy reported that they were charged with efforts to break away 
southeastern provinces and with the organization abroad of bu- 
reaus of anti-Polish propaganda favoring the revision of the fron- 
tiers (of Poland). 

Deputy Bilak, speaking in the name of the Ukrainian Club, 
called, among other things, attention to the following: "We be- 
lieved that the Polish Parliament would preserve the traditions of 
all the parliaments according to which deputies should not be 
imprisoned. We do not evade legal responsibility, but we call at- 
tention to the fact that such trials are two-edged tools. We want 
the accused to come into the courts free. In this very last moment 
we appeal to the House to respect this parliamentary tradition. 
The charge of high treason is based upon the old Austrian law 
dating from the period of absolutism. Prof. Makowski, who sits 


here among the members of the "B.B.", proved in his scientific 
works that a democratic nation cannot apply the dead letter of the 
law in interpreting the law of high treason. All that Dep. Kokhan 
is charged with is criticism of the Government. Encouragement to 
acts, with which he is charged, evidently has no results. As to Dep. 
Levytsky and Makarushka, already today's debate showed that the 
"UNDO" has nothing in common with "UVO". The charge about 
the maintenance of propaganda centers against Poland, even if it 
were true, would still have nothing violent about it. The charge 
about the support, moral and material, of the Ukrainian Military 
Organization uses a term which is not in the Penal Code." The 
speaker concludes with an appeal to the House to vote for the 
motion of the Ukrainian Club. 

After the speeches by Stypulkowski, Dura and another speech 
by Ekert the vote was taken, by which all the motions of the 
Opposition were rejected by a majority, in accordance with the 
motion of the deputy who brought in the report. The deputies of 
the (pro-government) B.B. and the Polish National-Democrats 
voted again together against the motions of Dep. Sawicki and all 
three motions of the Ukrainian deputies. 

"Dilo", January 29, 1931. 

{The meeting reported was held on ]anuary 28, 1931. — Ed?) 




The trial of ex-deputy Dr. Ivan Blazhkevych, the ex-secretary 
of the Ukrainian Parliamentary representation, which was held 
before a jury and tribunal of the court of Sambir, was concluded 
on Thursday afternoon (December 18, 1930.— Ed.) 

The verdict was as follows: DR. BLAZHKEVYCH WAS 
OF SECT. 302, 305, and 312, OF THE PENAL CODE AND WAS 

"Dilo", Lviv, December 21, 1930. 



Our report of yesterday about the verdict against ex-senator 
Rev. J. Tatomyr, is supplemented by the report that Rev. Jul. 
Tatomyr was indicted for the crime of high treason (Section 58, 
of the Penal Code), for breach of public service, for a whole 
number of other petty offenses against the statute on assemblies 
as well as for interfering with an officer in the performance of his 
official duties, for the slandering of officers, and so on. 

The jury by 12 votes acquitted the defendant of the charge 
of high treason, and by 11 and 10 votes, of the charges of breach 
of public peace, as defined by Sect. 65 of the Penal Code. On 
the other hand, they confirmed some other questions on the basis 
of which ex-senator Rev. Julian Tatomyr was found guilty of the 
misdemeanors defined by Sections 279, 283, 300, and 302 of the 
Penal Code. In view of this, the tribunal sentenced the defendant 
for the said crimes to six months imprisonment, the inquisitorial 
imprisonment to be subtracted from the sentence, and the pun- 
ishment to be suspended for five years. 

It is to be remarked that the punishment imposed is the high- 
est possible for the crimes mentioned. It is therefore strange that 
the Polish Telegraphic Agency comments in its communique that 
the court, while meting out the punishment, took into consideration 
various extenuating circumstances and accordingly made the sen- 
tence very "lenient". 

"Dilo", December 24, 1930. 


Before the district court in Rivne, in Volhynia, a criminal 
trial was held on January 30, 1931, against ex-deputy Alexis Vy- 
slotsky, indicted for the violation of Sect. 129, part I. and III, 
of the Russian Penal Code.*) 

The defendant was brought to Rivne from the prison in Zolo- 
chiv, by the police. Though his outward appearance showed the 
results of his imprisonment at Brest, he still looked unbroken 
in spirit. 

The indictment charges ex-deputy A. Vyslotsky with the vio- 
lation of Section 129, part. I and III, of the Russian Penal Code. 
According to this section, a crime is committed by any person 
who publicly utters speeches or recites writings which incite 

* Mr. Vyslotsky was tried in that part of Ukraine under Poland, which 
before the war had been under the Russian recime. 


the people, 1, to commit a rebellious or treasonable act, and 2, to 
violate the law or a decree or lawful orders of the authorities. 
The crime is punishable with imprisonment from 1 to 4 years. 

This crime, according to the indictment, was committed by 
A. Vyslotsky in the following manner: 

1) that he delivered at an election meeting held in the village 
of Dublany, on May 22, 1930, an inciting speech of the following 
content : "I am coming here to Volhynia for the first time be- 
cause the Polish government of occupation did not permit me to 
come earlier . . . owing to the fact that the elections to the 
Sejm and the Senate, conducted amidst a terror of officials, police 
and all other kinds of "riffraff", I have come to you to tell you of 
the abuses committed by the Polish government, which had robbed 
you of your native land and distributes it among Polish colonists 
and settlers . . . The Polish government oppresses you with high 
taxes lest you should raise your heads . . . You will perish unless 
you rise in the defense of your rights. Such small races as the 
Czechs, Letts, Lithuanians, and Estonians have already their states, 
and only we have fallen into Polish slavery. Do not wait for the 
government, which will do you nothing good, but struggle alone 
and think. Long live free L^kraine !" 

2) that at the same time and place he incited the participants 
of the meeting to break the law regarding the obligatory learning 
of the Polish language in public schools, in the following words, 
"The Polish schools imitate the methods of the German forces of 
occupation, which had forced the children, at the point of the bay- 
onet, to learn the German language. The Poles, however, knew- 
how to counteract this, by inducing the children to disobedience. 
That is the way that Ukrainian parents should act now, and the 
Polish government will be equally helpless against them, as bay- 
onets cannot be used against children." Later on, when the police 
dissolved the meeting because of a fight that was started at the 
meeting, he called upon the participants of the meeting to disobey 
the authorities, by means of the following appeals, "The police 
have no right to dissolve a meeting! Do not disperse ! Fear neither 
the police, nor their bayonets ! Down with the Polish police !" 

Even before the indictment was read, the lawyers of the 
defense made a motion that the case should be transferred to the 
district court of Zolochiv, which is conducting investigations in 
other analogous matters. The motion was rejected by the tri- 
bunal on the ground that the acts committed in Volhynia are 
subject to different laws. 


The tribunal likewise rejected the motion of the defense that 
new witnesses be called outside of witness M. Maryniuk, of 
Dubno, already present in the court, lest the entire proceeding 
should be based exclusively upon witnesses called by the public 
prosecutor, namely : Edward Kowalski and Tadeusz Czerwinski, 
foresters of the State forests; Sroka, Chojnacki and Kanski, state 
policemen. These witnesses, though constantly contradicting each 
other's testimony, tried to support the indictment, confirming the 
contents of the defendant's speeches, as given by the public prose- 

Two witnesses, Ivan Dnipruk Poberezhny and Nicholas Mary- 
niuk, supported the testimony of the defendant, who firmly denied 
that he had used the incriminating words, and affirmed that his 
speech was distorted by the witnesses for the prosecution. 

At the conclusion of the trial Bahrynivsky, the lawyer for the 
defense, made a motion that the following witnesses be called to 
testify: 1) Waclaw Sieroszewski, Polish writer, to confirm the 
fact that the Ukrainians in Volhynia are deprived of their own 
schools ; and 2) voyvoda Josewski to testify that the Polish govern- 
ment acknowledges the right of the Ukrainians to independence. 
These motions, too, were rejected by the tribunal, thus ending 
the evidence. 

Later Stecki, the public prosecutor, delivered a speech, in- 
spired by hatred for the L^krainian independence movement and for 
the activities of the Ukrainian deputies, and demanded a severe 
punishment for the defendant. M. Bahrynivsky, of the defense, 
gave a splendid legal argument, proving the contradictions in the 
depositions of the witnesses for the prosecution, and the lack of 
all legal foundations in the indictment of ex-deputy Vyslotsky, of 
Section 129, of the Penal Code. 

Another lawyer for the defense. Dr. Bilak, gave an excellent 
reply to the political part of the prosecutor's speech and supple- 
mented the legal arguments of his colleague. 

The final word was delivered by the defendant himself, ex- 
deputy Vyslotsky, in accordance with the law of criminal procedure. 
He proved conclusively that he had not used, and could not have 
used, the words he is charged with using at the meeting at which 
the bulk of the speaker's attention was directed at the propaganda 
of the "peasant and worker's (communistic — Ed.) party." He con- 
cluded by a dignified declaration that he asks for no favors, nor 
for amnesty, but only demands justice, which is his right. 


After a long session, the tribunal announced the verdict, by 
which ex-deputy Vyslotsky was SENTENCED TO TWO YEARS 

The sentence produced on those present in the court room 
(who were almost exclusively Poles) a visible impression. It 
was generally admitted to be very severe. An appeal was made 
against the sentence by the defense. 

"Dilo", February 3, 193L 

{After all the expressions of opinion are omitted from the above report, 
the facts as far as they are reported will give an idea of political trials in 
those provinces now under Polish dominion which were taken from Russia. 
The influence of Tsarist Russia is visible in the fact that the prosecution 
could furnish no other witnesses but the 'police and the foresters of the 
State forests. This in itself reveals that the Polish government is an arti- 
ficial stratum of officialdom imposed' on the popular masses foreign to the 
rulers. The tribunal further brushes away all the challenges by the defense, 
against the premises on which the indictmertt is constructed, i.e. prevents the 
defendant from proving that the Ukrainians are deprived of their schools, as 
the defendant stated at the meeting. — Ed.') 


The trial of deputy Kokhan, member of the "UNDO", indicted 
for high treason, began on February 17, 1931, before the court in 

The indictment act says : Volodymyr Kokhan, born 1888, in 
Nanovychi, district of Sokal, a farmer, and deputy to the Sejm, in 
his speeches which he delivered to the Ukrainian people on July 
29, 1928, in Rava Ruska ; on August 19, 1928, in Kariv ; on Septem- 
ber 17, 1928, in Khlivchany; on September 18, 1928, in Zhurivtsi, 
called those people to an armed insurrection against Poland, in 
order to take away the south-eastern provinces and construct out 
of them a Ukrainian State. 

The defendant, further, during the speeches delivered in his 
capacity as a deputy, in Chesaniv, on July 17, 1928; in Pishytsi, 
on July 18, 1929; in Potylyche, on August 5, 1929; in Verbytsya, 
on September 18, 1929; in Siltse, on May 12, 1929; in Boratyn, on 
July 28, 1929; described the condition of the Ukrainian people 
under Poland as that of slavery, calling upon the people to disobey 
the authorities ; called the Polish authorities halfwits, who tyran- 
nize the Ukrainian people ; exposed the government to ridicule ; 
thus arousing in the people contempt and hatred of the Polish 


State. Outside of this, Kokhan, during his speech deHvered in 
Verkhata, on June 17, 1928, in the capacity of a deputy, called upon 
the Ukrainian people to take away from Polish landlords the land 
without payment and to drive them beyond the San river, and in 
his speech at a mass meeting in Horodylovychi, on August 4, 1929, 
the defendant said that the Polish police are all bandits. 

By such acts Dep. Kokhan has committed the crime of high 
treason, according to Sect. 58, and the crime of breach of public 
peace, according to Sect. 65. 

The indictment comprises the alleged anti-state activity of the 
defendant during the years 1928-1929, when deputy Kokhan, taking 
advantage of the immunity of his office, guaranteed by the Polish 
constitution, and expecting complete impunity, toured througTi va- 
rious localities of the districts of Rava and Sokal, at mass meetings 
and religious assemblies, dehvered highly anti-Polish speeches, as 
for instance: in Rava Ruska, on July 28, 1928, during a requiem 
mass for Ukrainian soldiers fallen in the wars, after an anti-State 
speech by Rev. Dorotsky delivered at the cemetery, Dep. Kokhan, 
speaking with a fanatic hatred towards the Poles, compared Poland 
to "that putrid corpse of Russia, which is liable to fall to pieces 
very soon"; hence the Ukrainians should prepare for the struggle 
for the Independence of Ukraine lest the new moment should find 
them unprepared, as was the case at the downfall of Austria in 
1918. The contents of this speech were written down by witnesses 
Dominik Hasiak and Adam Krywczyk. 

On August 19, 1928, in Kariv, at a meeting under the auspices 
of the "UNDO," Dep. Kokhan said that "Poland in the manner 
characteristic of a bandit took away Ukrainian provinces, robbed 
Ukraine of her freedom, and the Polish officials are thieves, black 
ravens, who gorge themselves at state troughs. That the Polish 
government oppresses the Ukrainians, taxes them for purposes 
foreign to the people, for the upkeep of the Polish army, Polonizes 
Ukrainian schools, colonizes Ukrainian lands. Hence the Ukrainians 
should consider themselves as an army, under the command of 
their own generals and officers, the deputies and leaders of the 

Deputy Kokhan called the people to a struggle against the 
"bandit Poland, since the moment is coming when Ukraine will 
rise again." The speech was heard by Piotr Novosielski. Ivan 
Dobrowolski, Stanislaw Dwornicki, Michael Zaniewicz. 

On September 17, 1928, in Khlivchany, dep. Kokhan called 
upon the Ukrainian people to unite under the banner of the 


"UNDO" in order to get rid of the useless guardian by fighting 
after the manner of Ireland. 

After Dr. Swiontkowicz, the deputy supreme officer of the 
district, dissolved the meeting, deputy Kokhan spoke on, calling: 
"Shame on you ! There will come yet a time when with our heads 
raised we shall march, from Kiev into Lviv!" and the audience, 
inflamed by the deputy, called: "Bravo!" Witnesses: Dr. Swiont- 
kowicz, Franz Hemmerling and Leon Brudka. 

In his speech delivered in Zhuravitsi, deputy Kokhan called 
upon the people to stand under the blue and yellow flag of the 
"UNDO" and to "gain independence for Ukraine even if we have 
to walk over corpses." These words were heard . . . 

In all these speeches deputy Kokhan consoled his audiences 
by saying that another European war would soon some, when 
the Ukrainians would cause a civil war, a rebellion behind the 
backs of the Polish army. 

In his speech delivered at Chesaniv, deputy Kokhan complained 
that the Polish language is used exclusively in the schools and 
that the spirit of the Ukrainian people is being broken. 

In his speech delivered at the meeting of the "UNDO" in 
Potylychi the defendant said that "the Ukrainian people, 40 mil- 
lions strong, who are oppressed by Russia, Poland, Roumania, and 
Czechoslovakia, should rise to an active struggle so that the wheels 
of history should again pass in a war through the Ukrainian 

In his speech delivered at the meeting in Boratyn, the de- 
fendant charged Marshal Pilsudski with having broken faith with 
the Ukrainians in 1920, oppressing them, giving state credit only 
to the Poles, and so on. To the police present at the meeting 
he said, "Among you there are halfwits who will report this to 
the supreme officer of the district, who spies on every step of 
ours" .... 

After the indictment was read, the defendant deputy, Kokhan, 
deposed as follows : 

"I declare that I feel completely innocent. I belong to the 
party of "UNDO," which, to be sure, has set for itself as its aim 
the struggle for independent Ukraine, but has in its program no 
plank causing or organizing against Poland an uprising in the 
present political situation. I acted within the scope of the plat- 
form of the "UNDO," which conducts organized, positive work. 
Had I believed in the expediency of terror and rebellion, I should 
not have joined the "UNDO." Yes, I am a Ukrainian, arid as such 
I wish independence for Ukraiiie in all the Ukrainian territory, 


and I believe that this independence will become a reality. At 
meetings, I have spoken of Independent Ukraine as an ideal. I have 
said that in 1918, we were too w^eak and not prepared in cultural 
respect, and that therefore we should organize and grow econom- 
ically and culturally, so that we may correct the errors of our past. 

"All that I am charged with in the indictment is either 
distorted or invented. I know that in the administrative offices in 
our lands there are committed various abuses, and I have spoken 
against them and I have criticized the state budget, out of which 
a sum absolutely too large goes for the maintenance of the army. 
We all know that under the Austrian regime the Ukrainians had 
in Galicia 3,000 Ukrainian schools, and now we have only 760, 
and I have called upon the audiences to struggle for the Ukrainian 
schools by legal and constitutional means. It is a notorious fact 
that misery reigns in the villages, that the people lack land, that 
the villages are overcrowded, so I have said at meetings that the 
Ukrainian people should fight, by legal means, to bring about the 
transfer of the lands of great landlords into the hands of the 
peasantry without payment, as set forth in the platform of the 
"UNDO." I criticized the Polish agrarian policy which colonizes 
the Ukrainian provinces at a time when our provinces are over- 
crowded, and I consider that the great landed estates should pass 
only into the hands of the local populace, who have worked those 
lands for centuries, from the very days of serfdom." 

The president of the tribunal interrupted, "There are no great 
landed estates in the West, only such land parcels as may be 
jumped over by a rabbit, and when the great landed estates are 
broken up in the borderlands, it is no wonder that colonists 
come here from the West." 

Deputy Kokhan deposes : "I compared the people to an army. 
I said that we should be disciplined as an army; however, it 
was not of a rebellion that I spoke, but of active work and such 
struggle as is possible today. When I called upon the Ukrainian 
people to unite under the banner of the "UNDO" in the strug- 
gle for a better future, is this a crime? I have said at 
my meetings that Eastern Galicia has no autonomy, even such 
as she had under Austria, that she has neither provincial nor 
district autonomous bodies, no agricultural institutes, no state 
credit. I said that the fate of the Ukrainian people lies in their 
own hands, that neither the Polish government nor the Polish 
State is able to help them, even if they wanted to. When I am 
charged with having spoken of the march from Kiev to Lviv, then 


I have to state as follows : I rose against the internationalist 
tendencies among the Ukrainians, by pointing out that beyond 
the Zbruch river there is no independent Ukraine; that we cannot 
place any hopes in Kharkiv, and that only when Kiev will again 
become the capital of the Ukrainian State and when we will 
unite under the national banner, shall we enjoy a better fate*). 

In that speech of mine I aimed at disproving the communistic 
attitude and replacing the class outlook by a national one. 

"When I mentioned Ireland, it was because I pointed out 
that some races had to fight for their freedom for hundreds of 
years and that the Ukrainian people should not lose courage 
because of momentary failures. 

"The deputy of the supreme officer of the district, on hearing 
the word 'Ireland,' dissolved the meeting. I spoke in general 
terms about the enslavement of 40 millions of Ukrainians, and 
not especially of Poland. As to the situation in Poland, I have 
spoken at meetings of the wrongs done to the Ukrainians in the 
sphere of education, saying that we are deprived of universities, 
teachers' colleges and gymnasiums. The indictment charges me 
with calling the police bandits. It is true, however, that I termed 
as bandits those policemen and peasants who had ruined the old 
church of Pavlovychi, who had taken part in chopping the ikons, 
breaking crosses, and so on. I termed as halfwits those police 
spies who file with the police their lying reports against innocent 

"As to the charge that I said at a meeting that Pilsudski 
cheated the Ukrainians in 1920, and continues to oppress us, his 
former allies, I stated that the Ukrainians, during the war, ex- 
pected too much help from other people : first from Austria, then 
from the Germans, and finally, in 1920, from Pilsudski. I said that 
all such expectations have brought the Ukrainians nothing but dis- 
appointments and failure. Therefore I called upon them to count 
only upon their own strength." . . . 

Dr. Lipsz, public prosecutor, delivered this speech: 

"Gentlemen of the jury : The trial of deputy Kokhan begins 
a whole series of trials against the deputies who are members of 
the "UNDO," the trials to be held in the next session of the court. 
This is a trial of a deputy, for crimes committed during the 
valid tenure of office by the deputy. This is a hundred per cent 

* The Ukrainian nationalists have considered Kiev the capital of Ukraine. 
The communists proclaimed Kharkiv as the capital of the so-called Ukrainian 
Socialist Soviet Republic. — Ed. 



political trial, which has in it nothing criminal in the nature of 
sabotages. We are to try a person, and n(jt only his deeds. Deputy 
Kokhan is a son of common people with intermediary education, 
who has attained the position of a deputy. 

"The defendant and the defense attempted to convince us that 
the 'UNDO' is a legal party. Formally, that party is a legal one, 
but as a matter of fact, the 'UNDO' sets as its aim an independ- 
ent Ukraine, and many deputies of the 'UNDO' will find them- 
selves before the court charged with high treason. Deputy 
Kokhan is no terrorist, but a politician, who took advantage of 
his constitutional rights and his privileges as a deputy for anti- 
State activity. We are not putting on trial the 'UNDO,' which is 
nothing to us here. Kokhan is a man of unusual intelligence and 
talents. He is almost a self-taught man, but many a university 
graduate could envy his skill and knowledge. The number of 
crimes committed by him is terrifying. His attitude in politics 
has always been anti-Polish, as is well attested to in an article 
by him which was published in a German pamphlet that was found 
during a search in the office of the Ukrainian Club in the Sejni, 
after the arrest of Dr. Dmytro Levytsky. The authors of other 
articles are Ukrainian deputies, and they will all find themselves 
on the accused bench. 

"The tendency of this pamphlet is to hurt Poland abroad. 
Whatever is written in that pamphlet was said also by Kokhan 
in all his meetings. Germany and Ukraine are dissatisfied with the 
Versailles Peace Treaty, and the authors of that pamphlet strive 
to increase the German-Ukrainian friendship according to the 
slogan : "Your enemy is my enemy, hence we are friends," and 
this friendship is needed for the struggle against Poland. 

"In that pamphlet deputy Kokhan openly defends sabotagists 
and terrorists and justifies their activities abroad. All these, of 
course, are crimes according to sect. 58 and 65 (a) and (b) and 300 
and 302. The spoken word is a great and sacred thing. All 
ideas are spread by word. Christianity is spread by word, and 
deputy Kokhan spread by means of words the idea of a struggle 
against Poland for an independent Ukraine, knowing the power 
of the word. Deputy Kokhan committed the crimes of high treason 
at four meetings, of breach of public peace at other meetings and 
of arousing hatred towards the State and the Government. To 
evaluate and define the degree of those crimes is very difficult, 
since the majority of the witnesses have already forgotten what 
deputy Kokhan had said at his meetings two years ago. The 


title of 'grunt' * is very unpleasant for a Ukrainian, and hence 
the Ukrainian witnesses, fearing such opprobrium and its attend- 
ant persecution, claimed to have forgotten everything, or 
even defended deputy Kokhan, or maintained that Kokhan had 
praised Poland. A public prosecutor is an element in the admini- 
stration of justice and I take into consideration everything that 
was said for and against Kokhan. The fact is, however, that 
deputy Kokhan, speaking in Rava Ruska, appealed to the Ukrain- 
ians to rise against Poland, and this was after Rev. Dorotsky 
had prepared their sentiment by taking an oath at the graves of 
dead Ukrainian soldiers. Ukrainian historians state that the fail- 
ure of the Ukrainians in 1918 was due not only to the enemies, 
but also to an insufficient preparation of the Ukrainians, to the 
lack of will power, tension and desire of national independence in 
the people, and deputy Kokhan has held his speeches in this spirit, 
in order to cure the soul of the Ukrainians of those diseases of 

Deputy Kokhan's speech at the meeting at Kariv had still more 
the character of high treason. The same is true of the meeting 
at Khlivchany, where the deputy called upon them to march from 
Kiev to Lviv. 

"It is irrelevant for us whether Kokhan orients himself to- 
wards Kharkiv, or towards Kiev ; all we care for is that Kokhan 
wanted to march from the blue and yellow Kiev to Lviv. The 
whole question hinges on Lviv. I am not sure myself whether dep- 
uty Kokhan said in the village of Zhuravitsi that the Ukrainians 
must march to their freedom even over dead bodies, if necessary, 
but it is a fact that he spoke of the independence of Ukraine, and 
this is most important. Even such a cautious witness as Bakun 
admitted that deputy Kokhan had said, "We must break Ruthenian 
provinces away from Poland." 

"At all other meetings deputy Kokhan said to the peasants 
that the sovereignty of Poland in Eastern Galicia is in itself the 
source of all the wrongs done to the Ukrainians. 

"The depositions of the police deserve credit since the police 
have no reason to be personal enemies of Kokhan. The U'NDO' 
itself stands on the principle that they will speak of conciliation 
with the Poles only as 'equal with ecjuals,' which is when they will 
have a Ukrainian state. 

"Deputy Kokhan said in Potylycha that a 'grunt,' who is a 
friend of Poland, does not deserve a handshake, and this proves 

Ukrainian term for 'scab,' meaning the guttural noise of a hog. 


his animosity towards Poland in general. He spoke also that the 
Polish government is the cause of all 'this slavery w^hich should 
be abolished.' . . . 

"The defense tries to convince us that deputy Kokhan spoke 
only of a legal struggle, but deputy Kokhan always mentioned 
the year 1918, and called upon the people to prepare for another 
1918, and it is well known that in 1918 the Ukrainians fought not 
with law, but with cannons and machine-guns. It is true that Dep. 
Kokhan called upon the people to organize themselves into dairy 
cooperatives and reading-rooms, but all this he considered merely 
the means, the basis, or condition for a repetition of another armed 
struggle of the kind of 1918. The police did not expell the Ukrain- 
ians from the cemetery in Rava Ruska because Kokhan's speech 
was illegal, but because the Ukrainians might disobey the police- 
man or beat him up, and the policeman feared being compromised. 

"The law says that a deputy is immune and that he could be 
arrested only for common crimes, and not for political crimes, but 
when deputy Kokhan calls upon the people to join in an uprising 
similar to that of 1918, he arouses hatred towards Poland, he 
abuses the privilege of immunity for anti-Polish purposes, he 
forgets that he is a deputy and is obliged to be a model of Polish 
patriotism, having the double duty of legality and loyalty towards 
Poland. The verdict should prove that not even a deputy, and a 
deputy less than anybody else, is entitled to sap the foundations 
of the Polish State !" 

The speech of Dr. Starosolsky. 
"High Tribunal and Gentlemen of the Jury : I am speaking 
to you in Ukrainian, but I believe that in this trial we would find 
a spiritually common speech. The matter before the court is the 
higher weal of the two races, since such a trial in which the 
freedom of speech, or political freedom, is at stake, does not decide 
the fate of Kokhan, but the fate of the entire country. You are 
here trying not Kokhan, but a deputy, a representative of the 
people, who merely carried out the will of his constituency and 
did only what he had promised them to do. Here is the trial 
of the question of the immunity of representatives, the struggle 
for the sacred right of liberty, the achievements of European 
culture and democracy. Gentlemen: save those possessions which 
are now threatened, defend the law of the constitution regarding 
the immunity of representatives. In defense of the common pos- 
sessions, now threatened, I'll find with you a common language, 
though I am using an idiom foreign to you : *) 

* The jury were Poles. — Ed. 


"Deputy Kokhan's chief crime consists of his having wished and 
furthered the independence of his people. Judge Angelski used 
to emphasize again and again in this very court that to profess 
an ideal of the independence of one's own people is no crime. A 
race not striving to attain independence is no race, ceases being 
one. This should be understood by you, Poles, better than by 
others, that the natural law in the life of the people demands a 
striving for independence, as every true son of his people dreams 
about it as have dreamt Polish poets: 'I want to raise them, to 
make them happy, to astound with them the whole world.' * 

"Dep. Kokhan has said at meetings that there may come a 
moment similar to that of 1918, and that the Ukrainians should 
be ready. But is it a crime if the Ukrainians are to emancipate 
themselves from all fatalism, passiveness, and to desire to create 
their own fate for the emergency of another political change? 
Striving to be spiritually ready, to be active, to turn away from 
the hopes of other people's help is a natural, healthy, phenomenon, 
and not a crime. Not only Kokhan, but all of us, Ukrainians, re- 
peat: "Let us be ready! Let us not sleep! Stop accepting life 
passively!' " 

"Nothing is eternal, and we cannot be sure of what is coming 
tomorrow ! 

"The people should be active in every situation! If you are 
not partisan, then admit that deputy Kokhan has done what every 
Ukrainian should do. 

"Everybody has the right to express his thoughts, the duty 
to point out wrongs, since otherwise what would the political 
life of the State look like? There is no party which does not call 
upon the people to struggle for a better life. 

"Dep. Kokhan spoke of autonomy, that the supreme ofHcers 
of the districts and the police should be Ukrainians. Gentlemen, 
if this is high treason, then condemn Kokhan. If he called, 'Give 
us Ukrainian schools ! Do not colonize Ukrainian provinces, do not 
transfer Ukrainian teachers into Poland!' - — was all this hatred to 
Poland? No, this was merely his performance of the civic duties! 
He, who demands autonomy, does not break away a por- 
tion of the state. It so goes in this world that some of 
the people rule, and others criticize, since this is the essence of 
freedom, and without it everything would be dead. If deputy 
Kokhan spoke at the grave of fallen Ukrainian soldiers, if he spoke 
of them with sentiment, piety, is this a crime? The days of the 

* A quotation from some Polish poet was delivered in Polish. — Ed. 


great upheaval of 1918, must remain in the souls of the Ukrainian 
people as a sacred remembrance, and those who went to death for 
their ideal deserve our affection!" 

The Verdict. 

The jury denied by a majority of votes the 17 cjuestions (re- 
ferring to high treason) and confirmed 2 questions as to Sect. 300 
and 302. On the basis of this verdict the tribunal sentenced Deputy 
Kokhan to three months' imprisonment, his detention in inquiry 
to be subtracted from the punishment. Deputy Kokhan at once 
left the prison. 

{The above report was taken from the "Dilo" , the Ukrainian daily, 
Lvir, Febrtiary 19, 20, 21, and 22, 1931. The depositions of the witnesses 
were omitted as they evidently played only a subsidiary role in the plead- 
ings. The whole issue was fought rather on the basis of general principles 
of the Ukrainian-Polish relations. 

The trial is a supplement to the discussion on such matters as: intransi- 
gentism, separatism, loyalty, which were touched by the London Times 

The trial is a significant illustration of the foundations for the Polish 
charge against the Ukrainians of high treason, a charge quite important in 
view of the public prosecutor's announcement that more Ukrainian deputies 
of the "UNDO" would be placed on trial on the same charge. — Ed.') 





At the session of the Sejm, on January 16, 1931, a motion 
was filed with the Marshal (Speaker) of the Sejm, hy the Ukra- 
inian Club, on the events which had taken place during the 
pacification of Eastern Galicia. 

The motion was filed as an ordinary one since the Ukrainian 
deputies could not secure the number of signatures necessary 
for filing an urgent motion (which requires 75 signatures). 

"Dilo;' Lviv, January 21, 1931. 



(ik) As we have already reported, the Ukrainian Club thought 
it its first work in the Sejm to file an urgent motion on the "paci- 
fication", as it hoped to find without difficulty the necessary number 
of signatures in those circles of the Polish Opposition, who have 
condemned the "pacification". The Polish Opposition, however, 
though not refusing in principle to sign the pacification motion, 
demanded first to be shown the text of the motion for the pur- 
pose of becoming better acquainted with the data contained in 
the document which comprises several score pages in print. They 
are still getting acquainted with it so that the motion could not 
have been brought yet. The matter may be put off till after the 
holidays. ■ 

"Dilo", Ukrainian daily, Lviv, December 18, 1930. 

{"ik" is the signature of the "Dilo's" special correspondent at War- 
saiv. — Ed. ) 


(ik) In view of the fact that making the motion on the "paci- 
fication" in the Sejm became impossible, the Ukrainian Club de- 
cided to bring the motion on the "pacification" in the Senate. 

The motion is called, "THE MOTION OF THE UKRAINIAN 

("Dilo", the LTkrainian daily, Lviv, December 19, 1930.) 

This is the first practical result of the weakness of the Ukrainian 
representation in the Polish Parliament, — weakness brought about, to a 
considerable degree, by the Polish election laivs, on the one hand, and by 
the electoral practices of the Polish government and public, on the other. 





Since the month of August, 1930, the voyvodships of Lviv 
and Tarnopol as well as a section of the voyvodship of Stanislaviv 
have become the scene of events v^hich earned a wide notoriety 
not only within Poland but also outside of it. These are the 
mass burning of Polish estates on the one hand, and the official 
police and military punitive expeditions on the other hand. 

The Ukrainian political factors have well realized that the 
sabotages carried out by the Ukrainian terrorist and conspiratory 
Military Organization could bring about wholesale reprisals on 
the part of Polish state authorities, who identify the perpetrators 
of the revolutionary acts with the entire Ukrainian public, the 
more so as a section of the Polish press had started a mad battue 
in that direction. For this reason in the very first days of the 
month of September the largest Ukrainian political party U.N.D.O. 
(Ukrainian National Democratic Union) took a public stand in 
the matter of arsons and the so-called acts of sabotage. The 
U.N.D.O. stated with full resoluteness that in those acts of incen- 
diarism and sabotage the organized Ukrainian public do not take 
part and took action to dissociate themselves from similar activi- 
ties. Investigating the sources of these acts, the U.N.D.O. has 
become convinced that only a certain percentage of these acts can 
be attributed to the Ukrainian Military Organization or to anarch- 
istic individuals of the Ukrainian race, and that in other cases all 
the evidence pointed either to the provocatory activities of various 
factors having for their purpose the justification of reprisals upon 
the Ukrainian people and Ukrainian institutions, or to the specu- 
lative practice of grain cultivators to remunerate themselves with 
insurance for the losses caused by low prices of grain. 

The atmosphere becoming more and more close, the leaders 
of the U.N.D.O. decided to abandon their waiting attitude and to 
utter their opinion about the arsons and the sentiments connected 
with them so that both races be warned of the threatening con- 

The voyvoda of Lviv was notified of this position of the 
U.N.D.O. by a special delegation, which comprised : Mr. Michael 
Halushchynsky, then the vice-speaker of the Senate, and Mr. 
Vladimir Celevych, then a deputy to the Sejm. The result of the 


conference was that the party was to take a negative attitude to 
incendiarism and to publish it. They aimed also at bringing to 
reason those individuals who participated in incendiarism out of 
idealistic motives, beheving this to be a revolutionary activity; 
they wished to bring to their consciousness that such incendiarism 
could only result in profit for the enemies of the Ukrainian race. 

In the very next issues the "Dilo", the semi-official organ of 
the U.N.D.O., started a campaign intended to elucidate the above 
questions from all sides. The party could not be blamed for the 
events any more than could the entire Ukrainian population. 

As incendiarisms did not stop, but began to increase, as Polish 
reprisals began to threaten seriously the property and life of the 
Ukrainians and their cultural achievements, the government natu- 
rally was expected to do the utmost to discover those guilty in 
order to put an end to the further anarchization of the country. 
But the government, instead of searching for firebrands, took the 
position that for the guilt of those unknown and undiscovered 
persons should answer the entire Ukrainian race, that whole vil- 
lages should be turned into wastes, that defenseless people should 
run before the organs of safety to the fields and forests. 

In the second half of September the government began the 
so-called pacification, which consisted in the dispatching of regular 
punitive expeditions. Incidents connected with those punitive ex- 
peditions of the police and the army pass not only the limits of 
the legal conception of responsibihty but surpass the pictures 
known from the annals of the world war and recall long forgotten 
events of past ages. In the very beginning of that pacification 
the following details stood out : 

1. pacification was an explicit echo of the demands of the 
most chauvinistic National-Democratic circles of the Polish soci- 
ety at their meetings, starting with the demand of mass respon- 
sibility of the entire Ukrainian race for the actions of its irre- 
sponsible individuals, who, as a rule, have nothing in common with 
the entire organized Ukrainian public, and ending with the official 
liquidation of the Ukrainian cultural institutions ; 

2. reprisals were directed at entire villages and districts in 
which there were no cases of incendiarism, but the populace of 
which furnished guards as soon as ordered by the government and 
did all in their power to stop the evil, and the reprisals were 
directed at them for the sole reason that they showed a higher 
level of cultural development ; 


3. the guilty were sought by the government only among the 
Ukrainians, and criminal reprisals were never investigated by the 
government ; 

4. government circles ascribed Polish reprisals to the provo- 
catory activities of Ukrainians ; 

5. the entire action of the Polish organs of safety and the 
punitive expeditions was characterized by hatred towards every- 
thing Ukrainian, a hatred which went so far as to inflict most 
painful insults upon their national and patriotic sentiments. 

On the whole, the pacification and all the official activities 
connected with it partake of the character of reprisals and not 
of official investigation of crimes. 

The collected information about the pacification permits us 
not only to give a picture of the whole procedure of pacification 
in a large number of localities, but also to ascertain certain general 
traits characterizing the whole enterprise and its consequences. 
Among the conspicuous incidents numbering several hundred, of 
which the Ukrainians have more or less detailed reports and min- 
utes deposited by the witnesses thereof, are to be included the 
following : 

1. tearing down of signs and demolition of the furnishings 
of Ukrainian local and cultural institutions in the '"'pacified" vil- 
lages, (sometimes also in towns), such as reading rooms of the 
"Prosvita" (Enlightenment), cooperative stores, cooperative dai- 
ries and the like ; 

2. persecution of the individuals participating or even em- 
ployed as functionaries by various local Ukrainian institutions, 
cultural and economic, without respect to their political opinions, 
even when they took no part in politics ; 

3. persecution of peasants for declaring themselves to be of 
the Ukrainian race and forcing them to term themselves "Ruth- 
enians" ; 

4. tearing down and breaking of portraits and busts of Shev- 
chenko as well as of all pictures of patriotic or family import, this 
being accompanied by derision of Ukrainian national sentiment ; 

5. destruction of material property of the persons whose 
houses were raided; destruction of all the house furniture; break- 
ing of windows ; mixing of various kinds of grain ; ripping of 
thatches, and the like ; also destruction of entire villages by the 
levying of ruinous wholesale contributions in the form of a fixed 
amount of grain, hay, products of consumption and money pay- 
ments in cash ; 


6. flogging of people, which, in most localities, was carried 
out according to a list of persons prepared beforehand and brought 
by the leaders of the expedition, — the flogging in many cases tak- 
ing on the form of a massacre characterized by truly unheard-of 

7. in many, though not all, cases, the autonomous communal 
council was given to choose between the arrival of another pre- 
pared sheet, in which the commune "out of their own free will" 
liquidates all the Ukrainian institutions on the territory of the 
commune and assures the government of its loyalty, which they 
are ready to prove by their willingness to vote for the list of 
candidates of the BB, or not to participate in the elections; 

8. while police detachments showed relative tolerance in a 
few localities towards the country people, the military detach- 
ments treated the people with unusual brutality; 

9. in many cases, pacification was carried out in communes 
on whose territory there had been no acts of sabotage, and some 
localities were visited by detachments of police or soldiers several 
times within a short period. 

We are offering herewith as evidence a certain number of 
detailed descriptions of pacification, with a remark that this is 
only a trifling portion of what has really taken place during the 
pacification in the individual districts of Eastern Galicia. 


1. On September 16, 1930, about 9 o'clock in the morning 
there entered the village of Gaje* near Lviv a squadron of 14th 
regiment of Uhlans. Before they reached the village, the Uhlans 
whipped with knouts several peasants driving into the fields. They 
beat them under the pretext that they failed to bare their heads 
before the banner. Having arrived in the village, the commandant 
of the squadron summoned the mayor; the mayor being absent, 
the vice-mayor came. He was notified by the commandant that 
a levy is imposed upon the village to be paid within two hours. 
Should the commune fail to raise the levy, the Uhlans will go into 
the village to collect it. He demanded thus 35 "korets" (140 
bushels) of oats, 700 eggs to each of the two military kitchens, 
2 hogs of 200 kg. each, a yearling heifer, 500 liters of milk, 100 
kg. of rice, 25 kg. of sugar. The commune, knowing what to 
expect should the soldiers search the village, collected the levy. 

*The village of Hayi (Polish spelling: Gaje), situated near Lviv, was 
visited by foreign correspondents. Cf. Mr. Negley Parson's report, verifying, 
among other things, the death of Michael Tiutko, from flogging. — Ed. 


Rice, millet, and tobacco were furnished by the local cooperative 
store, the rest by peasants. 

The Uhlans were billeted in the village. They ordered men 
and women to clean their horses' and harness. Out of a list which 
they had brought with them individual peasants were called by 
the soldiers and taken to the barn of Andrukh Melnyk, laid upon 
the bench, one Uhlan held the victim by the head, another by the 
legs, and others flogged him until he swooned. Then water was 
poured over him to revive him and flogging resumed. The worst 
beating was received by Ivan Romanyshyn, the librarian of the 
reading room of "Prosvita" (Enlightenment), who was revived 
with water several times ; Luke Dmytryk, the clerk of the coop- 
erative store ; Michael Tiutko, Hryn's son, who died as a result 
of that flogging, on October 18, 1930, having received 500 blows. 
More or less severely flogged were : Nicholas Mandzevich, Ivan 
Romanyshyn's son Vasil and daughter Sofia, who defended their 
father; Ivan Yavny, Peter Vovk, Peter Kundyra, Euphrosina and 
Vladimir Vovk, the children of the village mayor; Yurko Gela, 
Cyryl and Stephen Dmytryk, Tymko Pankiv, Yaroslav Lysy, Ivan 
Shuplat and Damian Prus.*) 

In the cooperative store of "Buduchnist" (Future) the fur- 
nishings and goods were destroyed (the goods were covered with 
some powder). 

The second time the military expedition came to this village 
on October 5, 1930. As soon as the peasants saw the detachment 
from a distance, they fled to neighboring villages or hid in forests 
and fields. During the raid at the house of the local parson, Rev. 
Sokhotsky, a bomb was found, which had been positively planted 
there, if it really was a true bomb. The priest was arrested. 
After these raids, carried out by the expeditions, the village pre- 
sented a picture of complete ruin. We do not expatiate on the 
material losses of individual persons, the losses being a direct 
result of the raids. 

2. {The "pacification'' of the village of Hermaniv is described.)* 

3. (The "pacification" of the village of Pedberiztsi.) 

4. (The "pacificatiofi" of the village of Chyzhykiv.) 

5. (The "pacification" of the village of Brodki.)* 

6-15. (The "pacification" of the villages of Stary Yarychiv, Hovy 
Yarychiv, Rudno, Znesinya, Zashkiv, Myklashiv, Hlukhovychi, Wynnyky, 
Dmytrovytsi and Porohno, all in the district of Lviv.)* 

* To shorten the document many ugly details are omitted. — Ed. 



Punitive expeditions passed through the villages of the district 
of Bibrka three times. They started on September 14, 1930, and 
were carried out by detachments of the Uhlan regiment at Yaz- 
lovets, stationed at Lviv. According to the information collected 
by us, those first expeditions passed, on September 9 till 27, 1930, 
through the following villages : Zahirechko, Dobrivlany, Horo- 
dyshche, Sukhriv, Molotiv, Molodynche, Deviatnyky, and others. 
Almost in every village grain and other food products were levied 
and people were flogged and cruelly maltreated. Each detachment 
brought with it an order prepared beforehand by the police. 

We will stop to consider in detail the punitive expedition in 
the village of Hrusyatyche. On September 14, 1^30, there came 
to the village a detachment of Yazlovets' Uhlans. The command- 
ant of the detachment, whose name was probably Neumann, or- 
dered the villagers to furnish the detachment within two hours 
with: 2500 kg. (about 5000 lbs.) oats; 3 hogs, 100 lb. each; 25 
kg. vegetables, 150 kg. (300 lb.) of potatoes; 100 loaves of bread; 
100 liters of milk; 1220 eggs, 5 meters (7 yards) of linen, and so 
on. When the mayor of the village satisfied the demand, and 
brought everything, the commandant addressed the members of 
the village council gathered in the school thus, "I have to thank 
you for furnishing my men and horses with the food on time, 
and you will be paid for it by your friend, the German." 

At 7 o'clock in the evening the mayor was ordered to have 
all the members of the village council in the school by 8 o'clock. 
When they appeared, they were ordered to stand at attention and 
were kept in that position a long time. 

At midnight the mayor was ordered to point out those inhab- 
itants of the village who had in their possession arms, and when 
he said he had no information of such people and could name 
nobody, then he was ordered by the said commandant (Neumann?) 
to be taken out by 5 soldiers into a neighboring garden, where 
he was knocked down upon a stump and two soldiers gave him 
about 50 blows. 

In the same manner the soldiers flogged with canes the fol- 
lowing inhabitants of the same village : Michael Basarab, Michael 
Veres, Alexander Basarab, Peter Vysochansky, Alexander Tur- 
chyn, Micholas Burbelas, Vasyl Voytovich, Michael Oleynyk. On 
the following day, which was September 15, at 5 o'clock in the 


morning, the inhabitants of the village were driven tcjgether out 
of their huts to stand along the highway, dressed in their Sunday 
best, and to bid the departing detachment a hearty farewell. 

When the peasants, wounded by flogging, headed by the ma- 
yor, appeared on the following day in the office of the supreme 
officer of the district (starosta), with a complaint and a written 
resignation of the members of the village council, the "starosta" 
refused to accept them, and merely declared through his commis- 
sar, Mr. Bilinsky, that he is too occupied with elections, that he 
has nothing to do with the army, and that in the matter of flog- 
gings by soldiery they have to appeal to military authorities. 

In the village of Horodyslavychi Uhlans demolished the read- 
ing rooms of the "Prosvita" (Enlightenment), destroyed its fur- 
nishings, books, pictures, and broke the windows. The methods 
which were used to torture peasants of this and other localities 
reminds one of the Middle Ages. They boxed the ears of the 
peasants, beat them with rifle butts, whipped them with knouts 
upon naked body, even upon naked stomachs, and besides, forced 
peasants to box each other's ears. 

It seemed that these punitive expeditions of military detach- 
ments would end the pacification of the district. But already 
on September 25, 1930, there arrived large detachments of state 
police to raid and to further pacify the district. This second 
period of pacification lasted approximately till October 9, 1930. 
They passed through the village of Lashky Dolishni, Lashky Ho- 
rishni, Borynyche, Drohowyche, Ostriv Chorny, Ruda, Otynyovy- 
chi, Duliby, and others. In every locality all the Ukrainian insti- 
tutions and individual persons were searched, and the property 
of the people was destroyed, their grain of various kinds was 
poured onto one heap or scattered about. Dilled pickles or sour 
kraut was poured on such a heap and then mixed with dirt. 
Sheaves in stacks were scattered, the peasants were ordered to 
untie sheaves. Great material damage resulted from this for the 
population. At every search people were whipped. 

{The Inlerpellation further describes the raid of the toivn of Bibrka 
and the second pacification of various villages in the district of Bibrka. 
The pacification of the village of Devyatnyky is described in detail. The 
village was "paciped" three times: by soldiers, by police, and again by 

In the cooperative dairy of the village of Lany about 200 kg. of 
butter were requisitioned without payment, and a barrel of cream 


was poured into a ditch. All the machines for making butter were 
broken, and the persons employed in the dairy, Monastyrsky, Paly- 
voda, Chorny and others, were flogged. 

{The pacificaiion of the village of Sarnyky is described in detail. Mi- 
chael Zhukevich received 800 {eight hundred) strokes.) 

After the flagellation each of the victims was forced to sign 
a declaration that he implores the Polish authorities for the dis- 
solution of all the Ukrainian institutions, promises to vote for the 
government list of candidates during the election and that he had 
not been whipped or wronged by anybody. Such declarations the 
people were forced to sign in the villages of Sokolivka, Kolohury, 
Pyetnychany, Podmanastyr and Lany. The people were forced to 
sign declarations that the soldiers had levied no contributions. 

In the village of Velyki Khlibovychi all persons were whipped 
on October 11, 1930, in the presence of a lieutenant commanding 
a detachment of soldiers and a miHtary doctor. Among others, a 
70 year old man, Oleksa Korol, was whipped. He was beaten with 
flail-swingles by five soldiers. Three times they revived him to 
consciousness by dashing water over him. His whole body is one 
large wound, and he also suffered an internal hemorrhage. The 
commandant of the military detachment, having called the village 
council, declared to them, "The government has sent us to you 
as a punishing hand — as a fist that will punish you for your ill 
attitude to the State and to the Government. Should you refuse 
to improve, we will soon come again for a few days stay, and if 
that should not help, then we will come for the third time to stay 
for a few weeks." 

{The Interpellation describes the pacification of the villages of Pod- 
horodyshche, Pidyarkiv S. and Pidyarkiv.) 

In the village of Sidlyska, Dmytro Pidhirny, of the same vil- 
lage, was shot and killed by an army rifle by Wla'dyslaw Rodzinki, 
the corporal of the 14th regiment of Uhlans, as the victim was 
escaping before the pogrom of the punitive expedition. Polish 
newspapers reported that the killed man had been a sabotagist, but 
this has not yet been confirmed. 

{The punitive expedition to the village of Zvenyhorod.) 

On October 13, 1930, a detachment of the 14th Uhlan regiment 
arrived in the village of Zvenyhorod the second time. The village 
suffered horribly. The peasant, Chytaylo, received 180 strokes. 
He was reported to have died as a result of the beating. The 
report yet lacks confirmation. 


Gregory Artymiv, of the village of Borynychi, thus describes 
his own experiences during the stay of the punitive expedition in 
the latter village. On October 3, there came to the village from 
Lviv a detachment of the 14th Uhlan regiment, about 100 men 
strong. He knew no soldier of the detachment; he heard, how- 
ever, that one of them was called "Stasieczek". In the regiment 
was one person who was known to the victim and who, the victim 
asserts, is able to identify those, who had been most cruel to the 
peasants. When Artymiv was summoned before the commandant 
of the detachment, he was asked who had burned the stacks. He 
answ^ered that in his village there had been no arson. In spite of 
this he was ordered to undress, his legs were tied, a person sat 
on his shoulders, they covered his mouth with their hands and 
from time to time dashed him with water. Four soldiers flogged 
him, one of them with an iron rod, two with flail-swingles, and 
the fourth with some heavy object. After the beating he was 
locked up in a cellar together with six other persons. They were 
kept there for two days without any aid. They were not allowed 
to leave the cellar, nor was anybody admitted to see them. A 
doctor confirmed that Artymiv had a severe wound on his body 
from whipping. 

On October 14, the inhabitants of the town of Bibrka saw a 
strange show. A caravan of twenty wagons brought a number 
of peasants, whipped, bandaged, black from dried blood. When- 
ever any of the passers-by wanted to come closer to them to see 
the wounded, the police drove them away, threatening to whip 
everybody who would come nearer the wagon. The victims were 
brought to the court to have the judge ascertain their wounds, 
but both Bittner, the investigating judge, and the presiding judge 
refused to conduct court observation, giving as a reason for their 
refusal the injunction of the district public prosecutor of Lviv to 
conduct such an examination as the court of Bibrka, being a civil- 
ian court, is not competent to ascertain the whipping done by 
soldiers. In such cases, only the military court is competent. 
After such a judicial decision the victims of flogging had to return 
to their homes. Even doctors are so terrorized by the punitive 
expeditions that they refuse medical aid to the victims. 


The punitive expedition was carried out in the district of 
Yavoriv by the 14th Uhlan regiment mentioned above. Two 
squadrons of this regiment visited various localities of the district. 


On October 7, 1930, there came to the village of Svydnytsya 
about 120 Uhlans commanded by Lieutenant Potocki. They sur- 
rounded the village, drove men to the reading room and there 
flogged about 150 of them. The district dairy w^as destroyed by 
them, as well as the cooperative store, about 400 kg. of butter 
and 80 hundred-weights of oats were taken from the villagers 
without pay. 

A detachment of the same regiment came on October 8, 1930, 
to the village of Morantsi. They flogged the people, destroyed the 
furnishings of various houses, as well as those of local societies, 
saying that this is punishment for celebrating a cooperative day. 
They took 18 hundred-weights of oats, and declared that they 
would come again to carry off the remainder. The peasants who 
carted the goods for the soldiers testify that the soldiers sold grain 
to Jewish dealers as soon as they passed the turnpike. 

To Drohomysl the punitive expedition came on October 9, 
1930. Hearing of the approach of the expedition, many people 
ran into forests. The soldiers flogged every person they could 
lay hands on. In the cooperative store they destroyed the entire 
stock, and Thursday night they demolished the whole building. 

On October 10, the punitive detachments reached the villages : 
Morantsi, Chaplaky, Hnoynytska Vola, Boniv and Nahachiv. In 
each place people were flogged. The punitive detachments visited 
also the villages : Cholhynye, Prylbychi, Nakonechne, (here the 
people were maltreated with extreme cruelty), Porudenko, Svy- 
dnytsya, Chornylava, Moloshkovychi, where they flogged M. Hera- 
sym, one of the directors of the cooperative dairy (150 blows). 
Raids were made also upon the villages of Olshanytsya, Rohozno, 
Tuchapy, Yaziv, Kobylnytsya, Mlyny, and Khotynets. Each raid 
caused the people heavy material damage. Wholesale flogging of 
the people prevailed. For some time after this raid the people 
spent nights in forests, together with their horses and some mov- 
able property. 

The commandant of the police station at Krakovets summoned 
the mayors of the villages of Budzyn, Hnoynytsi, and Hnoynytska 
Vola to appear before him on October 10, 1930, in the evening, and 
ordered them to influence their respective village councils to make 
declarations that they would guarantee peace and would vote, 
during the coming elections, for the government candidates. 

{The document goes on to describe the punitive expedition in Nakon- 
echne, the suburb of the town of Yavoriv.) 



{The punitive expeditions visited a series of villages.) 

According to the depositions of eye-witnesses, this is how the 
punitive expedition acted in the village of Stavchany. On Septem- 
ber 27, 1930, there came a detachment of the 14th Uhlan regiment. 
Stephen Fiktash, director of the local cooperative store, having 
heard of the floggings by the soldiers, ran to a neighboring village 
to stay there as long as the Uhlans will "officiate". Hearing that 
the Uhlans had left for a neighboring village, he returned home 
and went to sleep. At night, Uhlans raided his house, pulled him 
out of bed, tied his hands behind him, took him to the courtyard 
and tied him to a wagon. Having tied to the same wagon another 
inhabitant of the village, Michael Kulyk by name, the treasurer 
of the cooperative store, the soldiers dragged them about the 
village seizing those who were to be flogged. This ride lasted 
almost two hours. Then the soldiers started the flogging. In 
each village, the peasants were compelled to make contributions 
and were then flogged as their names appeared on a list prepared 
beforehand. Each of the victims received 50 to 100 blows deliv- 
ered upon the naked body covered with a wet cloth. When the 
punitive detachments were leaving a village (after the floggings) 
the mayors of the villages were compelled to sign official declara- 
tions that the military detachment had behaved peacefully and 
exemplarily during their stay in the village and that they had paid 
the full price for the food taken from the inhabitants. 

On October 15, 1930, the punitive expedition visited the village 
of Mshana. The Uhlans tore down the Ukrainian sign from the 
cooperative store, chopped it and threw it into the mud. The 
people were then summoned to the reading room. Those working 
in the fields were tied to horses and driven at a gallop to the 
reading room. The commandant of the soldiers addressed them 
on the coming elections, ordering them to vote for the list of the 
Non-partisan (pro-government) block. After this speech the flog- 
ging was ordered to begin. Peter Masyak, 60 years old, received 
200 strokes. Many others were also whipped. The soldiers de- 
molished the furnishings of the cooperative store, destroyed the 
goods and left behind an utter ruin. From various villagers the 
soldiers took pigs, geese, chickens and linen. At Peter Syvenky's 
household they destroyed 70 beehives. 

(Here folloiv the details from the depositions of Nicholas Modla and 
Stephen Syvenky, the victims of "pacification".) 


{The raid of State police on the district cooperative store.) 

{The punitive expedition visited several villages.') 


{J^he punitive expedition in the village of Khyshevychi is described.) 


The punitive expeditions came to the district on September 
27, 1930. They started their activity with searches of Ukrainians 
in the district town of Sokal. Searches were made at the homes 
of Ukrainian pupils and teachers and many persons were arrested. 
The following students : Kovalyk, Mankut, Maybuk, Sosnovsky, 
Lysnyak, Bodnarchuk, Kruk and Zdryla, were released from jail. 
They were beaten with rifle butts and sticks on the heels. A 
search was also made at the homes of Rev. Luke Saluk, Alexander 
Hrytsyk, Verhun, Ivan Chaban, as well as the dormitories for poor 

To carry out the punitive expeditions was used squadron 11. 
of the 6th regiment of mounted sharp-shooters, from the town of 

{Here follows the route of the expedition, the dates of the visits to 
various villages. Then details are given of the activity of the punitive 
expedition at various villages and the damage done. In this district the 
soldiers seemed to rave with special fury against Ukrainian libraries. A 
list of libraries destroyed by the soldiers is given. In many places the 
people were ordered to sing Polish anthems and to shout, "Long live 
Marshal Pilsudski." In the village of Uhryniv the soldiers destroyed the 
furnishings, curtains, valuable theatrical scenery, radio and library of the 
reading room. Equal damage was done in the village of Sobychiv where 
the soldiers charged the peasants with hiding the village library and ordered 
Rev. Harasovsky to lead them to the house where it was hidden. Wherever 
the soldiers suspected that the library might be found, a search was carried 
out, at which all the house furnishings and the entire food store of the 
owner was destroyed. At Rev. Harashovsky's home a search was made for 
the library, his private library was destroyed, and the floors in the entire 
building were torn up.) 


The following deposition made personally and signed by Vladi- 
mir Marchuk, student of the third year of the teachers' college 
at Sokal, well illustrates the methods of the State police in collect- 
ing the evidence from the arrested persons. This is his deposition 
made on October 31, 1930: 

"On October 28, there came to my home in Nesmytsi, where 
I reside, the commandant of the State police precinct and a police- 
man told me that I was under arrest. And so I was taken to the 
police post at Sokal. Before they started to question me, a police- 
man by the name of Puch gave me a painful beating. As he 
himself stated, this treatment was for the purpose of reminding 
me that it was my duty to speak the truth. He beat me first with 
fists on my temples. Then he hit me five times on the jaw with 
his fist. Then he floored me and as I lay, he told me to write in 
this position whatever he would dictate to me. He wanted me 
to write that I had information of the so-called black hand and 
that I had conspired with Stefanovsky at night to write an anony- 
mous letter to Prof. Starzewski. I refused to sign such a 
deposition. Then Puch demanded from me an admission that I 
had read "Surma" and "Yunak" and that I distribute these papers. 
When I denied this he began to whip me with a rubber bar as I 
lay on the floor. I surely received about 70 blows. After this 
whipping he ordered me to sign the record which Puch had written 
himself, scratching out and erasing various words. Now he or- 
dered me to take a seat in a chair. Holding his rubber bar over 
my head he yelled, "Write what I'll tell you. For every erring 
word you will get ten blows." Beaten and mangled, I was hardly 
conscious of what I was compelled to write. Probably I wrote 
down all that Puch dictated to me. I remember that he dictated 
something about Cvikula, Stefanisky, Niskench, that I had obtained 
"Surma" from Cvikula, etc. He also dictated something about 
boy-scouts. I recall that Puch required me to write that on the 
Day of Annunciation I had been with my' class mates in the Horb- 
kivsky forest at a meeting of boy-scouts, and I probably complied. 
He also asked me something about the book entitled "Makivka". 

"All these 'depositions' I signed, after which I was taken to 
the guard room. The following were called to make depositions : 
Kozak, of Khorobriv, a student of the teachers' college ; Miron 
Kokhan, student of the teachers' college ; Ostap Zahoroda, stu- 
dent in the 7th grade of "gymnasium". While they were making 
depositions, I heard Kokhan yell out loud. I may add that I, too, 
called out in pain as I was making my depositions. I was re- 
leased and ordered to go home. I stayed at the police station from 


11 A. M. till 4 P. M. I now feel a strong headache and a pain in 
my left ear. I have marks of the beating all over my body and 
above my left ear. As a proof of the veracity of the above I sign 
my name, Vladimir Marchuk." 


{The details of the punitive expedition in the town of Brody and the 
villages of Kadlubyska, Chernytsya and Nakvasha.) 


The behavior of the punitive expedition in Berezhany w^as 
well attested to by the Rev. Bishop Dr. Buchko, v^^ho visited some 
of the localities raided by the punitive expeditions. And he did 
this after a certain time had passed since the punitive expedition, 
so certain proofs of destruction could have been already obliter- 

In the parochial building of the parson, dean E. Bachynksy, 
the police destroyed during the raid a portrait of the Metropoli- 
tan Sheptytsky as well as other pictures, together with their 
frames. Over the walls of a room they spilled jam. Pillows were 
torn, clothing destroyed. Eleven hundred-weights of grain of va- 
rious kinds were mixed together. 

{Follows the description of the raid on the society "Ukrainska Besida" ■ 
on the Ukrainian private school "Kidna Shkola" ; on the dormitories of 
poor students ; on private houses of various prominent Ukrainians. Then 
follow the details of the punitive expedition in Adamivka, suburb of the 
town of Berezhany; in the village of Konyukhy; in the village of Velyka 
Pl^cha; in the villages of Mala Plaucha a?2d Hlynna; and many other 
villages of the district.) 


Although in the entire district there was not one incident of 
sabotage, though a fire which had destroyed one stack in the vil- 
lage of Benkiv, was proved to be the consequence of negligence, 
the home of the lawyer Dr. Horbachevsky was searched on Oc- 
tober 3, 1930, and on October 13, 1930, all the Ukrainian institu- 
tions, cultural and economic, were raided as well as houses of 
many prominent citizens of Kaminka Strumilova. 

* Compare above : TESTIMONY OF A BISHOP, p. 47.— Ed. 


It was rumored that soldiers were to come to some villages, 
but the rumors proved false. Only the village of Stryhanka was 
invaded, on the Feast of the Intercession of the Holy Virgin, by 
a detachment of soldiers from the nearby Tsyhytsi, in the district 
of Sokal, where they had been carrying on the pacification of the 
populace. The soldiers invaded the church during the service, 
drove out the people and ordered them to swim ^icross the Bug 

Several communes received from the supreme officer of the 
district an order commanding the village councils to pass resolu- 
tions demanding the dissolution of local reading rooms and other 
societies. In their fear of punitive reprisals some councils really 
did pass such resolutions. 


{The document quotes the observations of the results of the pacification 
made by Bishop Dr. Buchko, while visiting the district; the details refer to 
the town of Pidhhaytsi and the villages of Verbiv, Holhoche, Modzelivka, 
Zarvanytsya, Vyshnivchyk and Bohatkivtsi. 

The the document enumerates the villages of the district visited by the 
punitive expedition.) 

The cooperative stores and reading circles suffered especially. 
To destroy them explosives were used. 

In all these villages thatches of the houses were torn off, win- 
dows and doors were broken, flour and grain poured over with 
kerosene and mixed with dilled pickles, agricultural machinery and 
other objects were broken. Villages have suffered more than they 
did during the world war! The populace fled to the forests, leav- 
ing their properties a prey to army and poHce. 

There are in the district hundreds of people who have been 
flogged. Among them there are many of the intelligentsia, such as 
Rev. Holovinsky, Rev. Blozovsky, Rev. Sodomora, his wife and 
daughter. Rev. Kostiuk, Mr. Choliy and his daughter, Rev. Man- 
dziy, teacher Romankiv and his wife, and other. We will quote 
here the cynical remark of the policeman who dragged Rev. Blo- 
zovsky, comparing the flogging with clerical ordaining and stating 
that this police ordaining is as valid as one performed by the 

The army levied regularly contributions in grain, which they 
took without payment. The populace defrayed the expenses of 
keeping the soldiers, and had to pay for beer and whisky taken 
by the soldiers in taverns. The soldiers took from the cellar of 
Joseph Jaworski nine hundred-weights of grain, a part of which 


was sold for drinks, and a part was transported to the town of 

The damages are immense, the people live in houses without 
windows, doors, without places to sleep in, without covers. Every- 
thing has been destroyed. 

In the village of Bokiv the soldiers maltreated defenseless peo- 
ple for three consecutive days. All those arrested, against whom 
no guilt could be proven, with Rev. Kablak at their head, were con- 
ducted with a band through the streets of the village, ordered to 
sing various songs, to sit in the mud, and then they were flogged. 

In the same village, Uhlans from Terebovla shot to death 
a mentally deranged boy, Euzebius Furdey. 

Even now, all the citizens who refuse to sign declarations that 
they agree to the dissolution of all the reading rooms and coop- 
erative stores, are terrorized, as in the villages of Lysa, Markova, 
and others. 


{The details of punitive expedition in the town of Buchach and the 
villages of the district: Bobulyntsi, Osivtsi, Petlykivtsi, Stare, Perevoloka, 
and others.) 

Cooperative stores almost ceased to function. In the district 
there is evident nervousness. The people hide with their food 
stores in forests. 


{The details of punitive expedition in the villages of Kurivtsi, Kup- 
chyntsi, Denysiv, Pokropyvna, Proniatyn, Luka Velyka, Myshkovychi, Os- 
taltsi, Petrykiv, Pros ho va, Ladychyn, Mykulyntsi, Kryvky, Shlakhtyntsi, and 
the city of Tarnopol.) 

In the village of Proniatyn, .... the soldiers flogged (among 
others) Ksenia Hayda, the wife of Michael Hayda, a pregnant 
woman, while she was holding an infant at her breast. They de- 
molished the house of the reading circle of "Prosvita" and the co- 
operative store, chopped and tore up the floor, broke windows, and 
dashed liquid manure against all the houses that had blue and 
yellow borders painted on the walls. While the peasants were 
being beaten, they were ordered to curse Ukraine. 

In the village of Luka Velyka, a peasant, Semko Lakh, while 
being brutally beaten, was mocked repeatedly by the phrases, 
"You'll remember Ukraine." 

It must be noted that in all the villages enumerated there were 
no acts of incendiarism, and the local populace kept guard and 
carried out all the injunctions of the authorities. 



Searches were carried out on September 26, 1930, by the puni- 
tive detachments in the town of Terebovla and the villages of the 
district: Ostrivchyk, Slobidka Strusviska and Darachiv. Many 
persons were arrested, though nothing was found. 

On October 2, 1930, a punitive detachment of Uhlans arrived 
at the village of Hleshchava. A raid was made on the local co- 
operative store, dairy and reading room. Goods were destroyed 
and much damage done. It has to be noted that neither in Hlesh- 
chava, nor in any other village of the district were there any fires 
or other acts of sabotage. 

{The details are given of the "pacification" of the town of Nore Selo 
and other villages of the district.) 


In the village of Lozivka, the peasants under the blows of 
knouts had to destroy with their own hands the monument of 
Shevchenko (the greatest Ukrainian poet — Ed.). 

The populace, in a body, ran away from the "pacified" vil- 
lages. Whoever was not able to run, was whipped till he lost 
consciousness, no quarter being given to children, old or sick peo- 
ple. The policemen, while searching places, were for the most 
part drunk. 


{The details of the punitive expedition of the village of Tyazhiv are 
given. The punitive expedition also reached the villages of Yamnytsia 
and Viktoriv, but reports are still missing.) 


The raids on the Ukrainian intelligentsia and peasantry lasted 
in this district all through the month of September. 

A direct pretext for dispatching punitive expeditions was the 
destruction by fire of some hay stacks owned by Offenberger in 
the village of Serafyntsi. There was no circumstantial evidence 
that the fire was due to an act of sabotage, and yet the govern- 
ment ordered a punitive expedition. 

The expedition consisted of 40 policemen drawn from the va- 
rious districs of the voyvodship of Stanislaviv. The expedition 
was headed by Josef Zbozen, formerly the commandant of police 
at Horodenka, now at Stanislaviv. To enforce the expedition 


Zbozen summoned the frontier guards and local police, and espe- 
cially Jankowiak, notorious in the entire district. The expedition 
started its activity on October 2, 1930, in the village of Sera- 

This is the course of action followed by the punitive expe- 
dition in almost every village : 

A detachment of some 20 or 30 policemen surrounds the read- 
ing room of the "Prosvita". They begin to collect the villagers, 
threatening and beating them to force them to come to the build- 
ing of the reading room bringing axes and shovels. Here the po- 
lice break all the doors and windov^s, smashing all into splinters ; 
then they order the peasants to chop the entire floor in such a 
manner that no floor board can be used any more for reflooring. 
They break up the ceiling, the roof, take apart the bricks of the 
ovens, break up the chairs and benches, cut every piece of linen ; — 
all this being done under the pretext that a search is being made 
for copies of the "Surma", rifles, revolver, explosives, and the 

Then the police enter the cooperative store and proceed in a 
similar manner. Here they tear up the books, scatter and destroy 
goods, in most cases carrying ofif food supplies. 

Having done thus with the reading room and the cooperative 
store, the detachment is divided by the commandant into smaller 
groups, of 4 to 6 policemen each, which are dispatched to the di- 
rectors of the various Ukrainian societies in the village and the 
prominent peasants, and there in the private homes the same pro- 
cedure which was enacted in the reading room and the coopera- 
tive store is repeated. They unroof the house, scatter stacks of 
grain, break kitchen utensils and house furnishings, mix various 
kinds of grain and flour together, then pour over the mixture 
water or some other liquid. They often force the owners them- 
selves to take a hand in the destruction of their own property. Be- 
sides, they beat up severely the peasants and their families, amidst 
abusive attacks and acts, adding again and again such expressions 
as : "If you, hogs, want Ukraine, I have .... upon Ukraine," and 
the like. 

Having done their work of pacification in one village they pro- 
ceed to another village where they repeat the procedure. 

Pleadings and intercessions with the official authorities in Horo- 
denka (the resort of the supreme officer of the district — Ed.) 
brought no results. 

As an excuse for the reprisals were given acts of sabotage of 
which there were none in the district. The reprisals make upon 


the Ukrainians an impression that they are directed against every- 
thing Ukrainian. Besides, the reprisals are connected with the 
elections, and this conclusion is reached on the basis of the facts 
that the police carry off with them everything that has any con- 
nection with the elections and very careful inquiries about elec- 
tioneering committees and who belongs to them. 

(Noiv follow the minute descriptions of the "pacification" of various 
localities, namely, in the villages: Serafyntsi, Tyshkivtsi, Vikno, Verbivtsi, 
and Strilche, Torhovytsya Pilna, Kolinsky, Korniv, Petriv, Sokyrchyn, Isakiv, 
Zhyvachiv, etc., and the town of Horodenka. ) * 

In the village of Tyshkivtsi they severely beat Mr. Vasyliv, 
the auditor of the Association of the Ukrainian Cooperatives at 
Lviv, who happened to be auditing the cooperative stores in the 


On September 26, 1930, the punitive expedition carried out a 
search in all the Ukrainian institutions, cultural and economic, as 
well as in the District Association of Cooperatives in Kalush. Noth- 
ing was found, but many people were arrested. It must be noted 
that there had been no acts of sabotage in the district. 


On September 10, 1930, the police searched the offices of the 
District Association of Cooperatives at Kossiv. On September 26, 
they raided the cooperative "Hutsul Art".*) 

On October 3, 1930, the police raided the cooperatives in the 
village of Zhabye : "Vidro jennya Hutsulshchyny"*), "The Ukrain- 
ian National Home", and the cooperative "Chornohora". Noth- 
ing incriminating w^as found. The goods of the cooperatives were 

On October 10, 1930, a raid was made upon the cooperative 
"Hutsulshchyna" in the town of Kossiv. Nothing was 'found. 


The district of Rohatyn is one of those districts in which the 
punitive expeditions and police raids were especially severe. 

In the town of Rohatyn suffered not only private houses, but 
also institutions such as the Ukrainian private "gymnasium" (high 



school) of the "Ridna Shkola Association" and the District Asso- 
ciation of Cooperatives. Two raids upon the high school were 
made. The first took place on September 14, 1930, the second 
about the end of the month. While the first raid gave no results 
and was carried out with a certain respect for laws and people, 
the second raid was carried out as follows : 

The school was surrounded by the punitive expedition early 
in the morning, which was about 5 o'clock. The students were 
still asleep when the police started to unhinge the entrance doors 
of the building and entered all the rooms of the "Bursa" dormi- 
tory, where the students lived. The frightened children were 
dragged from their beds, several of them being beaten with rifle 
butts. They were all driven out into the corridor, where they 
were given a gymnastic drill punctuated with abusive slanders, 
frequent blows with rifle butts and boxing of the ears. When the 
superior of the "Bursa" tried to intervene and asked the police 
to stop maltreating the children, he was arrested on a charge of 
preventing the officers from doing their official duty. 

Simultaneously a L^arch was made in the entire building. It 
was a strange coincidence that when the raiding party reached the 
attic and were about to finish their search, one of the policemen 
"discovered" in the iron stove in the attic a bomb of American 
origin. It was clear to everybody that the bomb was a "plant". 

In the District Union of Cooperatives and its warehouses a 
search was made in the same manner as in other cooperatives of 
the country. 

The punitive expedition acted with special severity against 
the property and the members of the family of the ex-deputy 
Kuzyk. The raid was conducted by the commandant of the State 
Police. He rushed into the house with a yell that it was the 
breeding place of the rebellicfus U. N. D. O. (the Ukrainian Na- 
tional Democratic Union), out of which all the evil spread over 
the district. He turned to the police soldiers with the following 
words, "Here you have to act in a warlike manner. No quarter!" 
Of course, the behavior of the punitive detachment, after such en- 
couragement, was unusually severe. 

This is the chronological account of the expedition and raids 
upon Ukrainian cooperatives of the district : 

On September 21, 1930, the police detachments raided the fol- 
lowing cooperatives : 

1) The District Union of Cooperatives in Rohatyn (the ware- 
houses and offices) ; 

2) "National Home" in Cherche ; 


"Zhoda" (Concord) in the village of Pukiv; 
"Vlasna Pomich" (Self-Help) in the village of Chesnyky; 
"Postup" (Progress) in the village of Lypytsya Horishna; 
"Dobrobut" (Prosperity) in Lypytsya Dolishna; 

7) "Nasha Buduchnist" "(Our Future) in Svystilnyky; 

8) "Yednist" (Unity) in Fraha; 

9) "Pratsya" (Work) in Lubsha; 

10) "Zhoda" (Concord) in Melna; 

11) "Selanska Spilka" (Villagers' Partnership) in Psary; 

12) "Nadia" (Hope) in Danylche ; 

13) "Nadia" (Hope) in Luchyntsi ; 

14) "Zhoda" (Concord) in Konyushky; 

15) "Zhoda" (Concord) in Babukhiv; 

16) "Postup" (Progress) in Verbylivtsi ; 

17) "Samopomich" (Self-Help) in Zaluzhe ; 

18) "Samopomich" (Self-Help) in Demyaniv; 

19) "Yednist" (Unity) in Chahriv; 

20) "Pratsia" (Work) and "Rayonova Molocharnia" (District 
Dairy) in Zhuriv ; 

21) "Syla" (Strength) in Pidmykhajdivtsi ; 

22) "Yednist" (Unity) in Hryhoriv; 

23) "Silsky Hospodar" (Village Farmer) in Vasiuchyn; 

24) Other cooperatives in Potok and other villages. In all the 
cooperatives named, goods and furnishings w^ere destroyed, the 
clerks and the officers of the cooperatives v^ere flogged. 

On September 29, 1930, the above mentioned cooperatives were 
raided again, this time by a military punitive expedition (Uhlans). 
The people suffered materially and physically. 

On September 24, 1930, the Ukrainian institutions and the 
homes of Ukrainian intelligentsia in Rohatyn were searched again. 
Nothing was found. Many were arrested. 

On September 26, 1930, a punitive (police) expedition came to 
the village of Martyniv Novy. A search was made in the local 
cooperative store and in private houses. On September 29 and 30, 
1930, there arrived also three squadrons of the Sixth regiment of 
Uhlans from Stanislaviv. Material damages were colossal. Many 
suffered physically. In this village were never any acts of sab- 

On October 4, 1930, the police raided the cooperative "Nasha 
Yednist" (Our Unity) in the village of Skomorokhy and the co- 
operative "Nadia" in the village of Pidshumlantsi and both suffered 
damages. The raid was carried out in the usual fashion (goods 


were scattered all over the floor, trodden upon, poured over with 
kerosene, and the like.) 

Starting on October 6, 1930, the punitive expedition of the 
6th regiment of Uhlans raided the cooperatives in the following 
villages : Knihynychi (October 9) ; Zahirye (October 9) ; Lubsha 
(October 13), Pidhirya (Oct. 15) ; Konyushky (Oct. 15) ; Skomoro- 
khy Novi, Byblo, Dytiatyn, Sarnky Seredni (Oct. 15) ; Korosto- 
vychi (Oct. 15) ; Zholchiv, Yavche, and others. 

{The document gives the details of the raids in the Ukrainian cooper- 
ative stores in Pidmykhaylivtsi, Zhuriv, Vasiuchyn, and Hryhoriv.) 

It must be added that neither in Vasiuchyn nor in any other 
village of this district was there any sabotage or incendiarism. 
It seems that the raids were made for no other reason than for 
the fact that these villages stand on a higher cultural level. 


The pacification of the district of Skole respecting which it 
must be emphasized that there were no acts of sabotage in it, 
began as early as September 30, 1930. It was started with raids 
upon private households. The police searched with utmost thor- 
oughness, upset everything movable, even unpasting pictures and 
arrested many persons, who were released either the same day 
or the following. They did not spare the people abusive words and 

During the raid in the reading rooms of "Prosvita" and the 
"Luh" in Hirka, in Skole, books were destroyed, being torn and 
scattered all over the floor. The pictures of Shevchenko and 
Franko* were torn. In short, the offices were left in a deplorable 

In the cooperative "Narodny Dim" (The National Home) the 
police poured maliciously upon the floor, groats, onions, beans, 
flour, chicory, rolls, butter and trod upon all this with their muddy 
boots. In the cellar they emptied a barrel containing some dozen 
liters of kerosene. The destruction lasted about half an hour. In 
the raid participated 5 policemen. 

News of similar destruction came from the villages of Synevid- 
sko, Vyzhne, Korchyn, Krushelnytsia, Kaminka, and others. 

* Shevchenko and Franko are the greatest Ukrainian poets. Shevchenko 
was born under the reign of Russia, Franko under the reign of Austria. — Ed. 


(The description of the arrest and maltreatment of Henry Barabash, 
a student of law, in the village of Lubyntsi. He was badly beaten by the 
police, examined by a doctor and released.) 


(Raids on Ukrainian cooperatives in eight villages.') 


(A detailed description of the raid on the villages of Verbiv and 


It is reported from the village of Karliv, that on November 
6, 1930, there came to the village about 60 men, among them about 
10 policemen, the rest being members of "Strzelec". The first 
command issued by this punitive expedition to the mayor of the 
village was the order to furnish them with 40 chickens for lunch 
at 11 A. M. Then they started a search. During the search they 
broke chests, windows, destroyed kitchen ovens, piled on the 
floor flour, groats, grain and other articles, mixed them together, 
added to the mixture broken glass, and poured kerosene over it. 

In the reading room of "Prosvita" they broke the windows, 
smashed closets and doors, slashed a valuable painted curtain, and 
finally glutted their revenge on Shevchenko's portrait. Whomever 
they met they flogged, especially members of the reading room 
and the "Luh". They severely wounded Kmytro Keyvan, Anna 
Fedora, Nicholas Ivasiuk, and Michael Antoniuk. They caught 
the mayor of the village Stetseva and beat him so that, taken to 
the hospital at Sniatyn, the man died a few days later. 

When they met a boy or a girl dressed in an embroidered 
shirt, they raised a cry, "Beat the hog! He smells of Ukraine!" 
and with these words they fell upon him and whipped him or her. 

When at 11 o'clock women brought them 30 cooked chickens, 
the members of the "expedition" abused them in a most insulting 
manner. After lunch the mayor of the village had to furnish them 
with 20 wagons to drive the "expedition" to a neighboring village. 


This is another fact to supplement the account of the punitive 
expedition of the Sixth regiment of mounted riflemen, stationed 
at Zhovkva. A squadron of that regiment arrived at Byshiv. At 


midnight they dragged from their beds ten most prominent peas- 
ants and beat them in a merciless manner with rifle butts, sticks 
and knouts. The local reading room and cooperative store were 
demolished. The people had to supply them every day with not 
only an amount of food stuffs, but also lunches, dinners, and break- 
fasts. The reason for this punishment, they said, was that on the 
day preceding the arrival of the expedition a stack of hay owned 
by the local landlord had burnt down. After the punishment was 
ended, the commandant of the detachment was reported to have 
declared to the victims that he had known all along that they were 
innocent, but he had been obliged to whip them. 


The same punitive detachment arrived on November 1, 1930, 
in the village of Ordiv, where they demolished the furnishings of 
the reading room, the amateur stage, a phonograph with records, 
and the entire library. Seven innocent people were beaten. 

From Ordiv the expedition started to Sushno. Here they de- 
molished the reading room and the library. The members of the 
reading room were beaten and ordered to tear up their books with 
their own hands. Some facts of the beatings have been already 
confirmed by court proceedings. The reason for dispatching the 
punitive expedition is unknown as in the entire district of Radek- 
hiv there was no case of sabotage. No one was arrested. 

In the village of Sushno the punitive detachment raided the 
house of the local parson and demolished the house furnishings. 


Punitive expeditions destroyed in Eastern Galicia the offices 
and goods of the following cooperatives :*) 

"KHLIBOROB" (FARMER) IN VERBIV (The letter of the Co- 
operative of November 15, 1930, No. 20,349.) 

*The data in the possession of the Auditing Union of the Ukrainian Coop- 
eratives does not exhaust the sum total of all the numerous and sad incidents of 
the months of pacification, which touched so painfully the Ukrainian cooperative 
movement. This is because not all the cooperatives which had suffered were 
able to report to the Auditing Union about these incidents, and also because the 
auditors of the Auditing Union were prevented by (Polish) administrative au- 
thorities from ascertaining the amount of the material damages done to the 
various Ukrainian cooperatives as a result of the so-called pacificatory action. 
The note is from the original. — Ed. 


On September 24, 1930, at 7 o'clock the cooperative was visited 
by a detachment of police who declared a desire to search it. The 
search was made in such a manner that the goods, such as cloth, 
linen, paper, dry goods, and the like, were torn into strips, then 
poured over with fats, olive oil mixed with axle grease and smashed 
eggs. The goods which could not be thus destroyed, for instance 
kitchen utensils were broken with axes. 

On that occasion they destroyed: 
(a) the two-story building of the cooperative together with its 
entire furnishings (the floors were torn up in all the four rooms, 
doors and windows broken, window sashes torn off from the walls, 
all the stoves demoHshed, the tables, shelves and benches were 
smashed with axes, all the books torn, as well as the documents 
and the library of the cooperative) ; 

(b) the furnishings of the cooperative dairy; 

(c) the department of agricultural machinery (all the ma- 
chines, cream separators, butter worker, Gerebor's apparatus, and 
other machines, were smashed with axes). 

According to the estimate of the directors of the cooperative, 
the damages are amounted : 

(a) the value of goods destroyed or taken illegally from the 
department of consumption 3,325.67 zl. 

(b) the damages to the goods in the dairy 396.30 zl. 

(c) the damages to immovable property 1,499.49 zl. 

(d) the damages to the offices and library 300.00 zl. 

Total 5,521.46 zl. 


(The minutes of the appraisal by the auditor of the Auditing 
Union of Ukrainian Cooperatives on November 12, 1930, No. 20,- 

A detachment of the police carried out a search in the coop- 
erative on November 2, 1930. The search was made in such a 
manner that all the goods was thrown off the shelves, mixed with 
glass from broken bottles, mixed with grain poured from sacks, 
the mixture then being poured over with ink. The damages re- 
sulting from this raid on the cooperative amount to 376.02 zl, 

(The minutes of the appraisal by the auditor of the Auditing 

Union of the Ukrainian Cooperatives on November 14, 1930, No. 


A detachment of Uhlans carried out a search in the coopera- 
tive. They broke the lock on the door of the cooperative and 
searched the rooms in the absence of the directors, destroyed a 
part of the goods (such as dry goods) and carried some avv^ay for 
their private use w^ithout paying for them. The cooperative suf- 
fered a loss of 594.11 zlotys. 

{The document goes on enumerating one cooperative after another, 
giving the name of the cooperative, its home-office, the date of perpetration 
of damages, a short description of the occasion on which the destruction was 
ejected, and finally the a7nount of damages sustained. Some of the items 
are reports of a district union of cooperatives giving not one report hut a 
■whole series. No. 17, for instance, being the report of the District Union 
of the Cooperatives of the District of Rohatyn, states the damages done in 
the offices and warehouses o/ 23 cooperatives, complete destruction of the 
^entire store of goods in 6 cooperative stores; complete destruction of the 
house furnishings and the entire store of goods in five villages. There are 
28 items in all. No. 28, follows: 

ZBARAZH (the letter of September 30, 1930.) 
The letter reports as follows : 

1. On September 20 and 21, 1930, there came to the village 
-of Roznoshyntsi a detachment of Uhlans from the town of Tere- 
bovla. They visited the local cooperative, scattered over the floor 
all the goods, and finding no kerosene or oil in the store, mixed 
the goods with feathers from the pillows of the owner of the house 
in which the store was situated. 

2. On September 25, 1930, a detachment of the police of 
Poznan came to Nove Selo and destroyed the local cooperative 
(tearing up the books and pouring kerosene over the goods). 

3. On September 26, there came a detachment of police of 
Poznan to the village of Sukhivtsi, destroyed the local coopera- 
tive, tore up the floor of the house in which the cooperative was 
situated, dug a ditch into which they threw all the goods of the 

■cooperative mixed together and poured over them oil and kerosene. 
Since that time the cooperative does not function. 

4. On September 26, the same detachment of police destroyed 
in a similar manner the cooperative in Shelpaky. They also de- 
stroyed the monument to Shevchenko erected in the village. The 
cooperative does not function. 

5. On September 27, 1930, the same detachment of police 
came to the village of Dobromirka. Most of all suffered the local 
cooperative. The police destroyed the goods completely and all 

. — 22 


the furnishings of the cooperative, chopped the doors and windows, 
destroyed the dairy machinery. Since the day of the search the 
cooperative does not function. 

6. On September 28, a detachment of the poHce of Poznan* 
arrived in the village of Skoryky and destroyed two stores of the 
local cooperative (in the main store the police poured kerosene 
over the goods; in the branch store — ink). 

7. On September 29, 1930, the same detachment of police 
came (a) to the village of Medyn, where they destroyed the co- 
operative ; (b) to the village of Shyly, where they poured over 
the goods of the cooperative, kerosene and oil, thus putting an 
end to the activities of the cooperatives; (c) to the village of 
Koshlaky, where they destroyed completely the local cooperative 
"Yednist" (Unity) and demolished the machinery of the dairy, 

8. A week later a squadron of Uhlans came from Brody to 
the district and passed through several villages already "pacified" 
by the police of Poznan, to put finishing touches to the work of 
the police. 


During the searches of cooperative stores carried out by puni- 
tive detachments of the army and state police, it was not uncom- 
mon for the pacificatory detachments to take without any payment 
or else forcing the storekeepers to accept ridiculously low prices 
for such goods as chocolate, candy, butter, bacon, perfumes, and 
so on. 

In this manner the searches were conducted in the following 
cooperative stores (we give facts of which we were notified by 
the letters of the cooperative victims) : 

(FARMER) IN VERBIV (The letter of the Cooperative dated 
September 15, 1930, No. 20,349.) 

The cooperative writes that during the search made in the 
cooperative on September 29, 1930, the detachment of state police 
took a part of the goods, such as bread, butter, bacon, candies, 
chocolate, various bakery and other food stuffs without paying 
for them. What goods remained the police destroyed. The ma- 
terial damage has not yet been appraised. 

♦ Poznan is in the most westerly province of Poland ; before the reestablish- 
ment of free Poland Poznan was subject to Germany and suffered from the 
harshness of Prussian rule. The city was then known by its German name of 
Posen. — Ed. 


VOLYTSYA KOMAROVA (The minutes of appraisal by the audi- 
tor of the Auditing Union of the Ukrainian Cooperatives, dated 
November 12, 1930, No. 20,261.) 

On November 2, 1930, during the search in the cooperative, 
the detachment of state poUce took a part of the goods for their 
own use (several dozen eggs, several kilograms of sugar and other 
goods) and did not pay for them. 

minutes of appraisal by the auditor of the Auditing Union of the 
Ukrainian Cooperatives, dated November 14, 1930, No. 20,258.) 

The detachment of Uhlans, searching on October 2, 1930, took 
from the cooperative for their ov^n use, w^ithout payment, the 
following goods : eggs, shoe polish, watches, electric lamps, choco- 
late, candy, waffles, sugar, salt, note paper, pencils and other goods. 
The search was done in the absence of the directors and managers 
of the cooperative store. It was impossible to ascertain how much 
of the goods had been taken by the police and what portion of 
the stock had been destroyed. The total goods destroyed and 
taken gratis during the search amounts, according to the 
inventory of the store, to 534.11 zlotys. 

{The document goes on in this manner through 24 items. The docu'- 
ment treats Polish state police ivith due respect, never calling their thieving 
or robbery by the proper name, but merely terming iti "as taking goods- 
without paying for them". The last item of the enumeration follows:) 

CHI. (The minutes of the appraisal by the auditor of the Audit- 
ing Union, dated November 9, 1930, No. 19,722.) 

On September 14, 1930, the 14th regiment of Uhlans took 
from the local cooperative store, goods to the value of 225.65 zl. 
The incident was witnessed by Oleksa Besarab and Peter Vysoch- 
ansky. The goods were taken from the store at the command 
of Lieutenant Najman. 


1. "Vlasna Pomich" in Chesnyky (the letter of the coopera- 
tive, of November 29, 1930, No. 20,343.) 

During the search conducted by a detachment of the 6th 
Uhlan regiment of Stanislaviv, a clerk in the store, Stephen Lut- 
syshyn, was beaten. 


2. "Pobida" (Victory) in Sernyky (the deposition of the audi- 
tor of the Auditing- Union of the Ukrainian Cooperatives, of 
November 1, 1930, No. 19,717.) 

During the search of the cooperative, conducted by the 14th 
Uhlan regiment of Yazlovets, the follow^ing persons sustained 
physical injuries, on October 10, 1930: (a) the president of the 
board of directors of the cooperative, Michael Zhukevych, who is 
not expected to survive (he has been lying in a fever for four 
weeks) ; (b) the secretary of the board of directors of the coop- 
erative, Maxim Yupyk, who has been sick in bed for four weeks; 
(c) the manager of the cooperative store, Dmytro Cymbal, who 
was sick in bed and unable to work for 20 days ; (d) the clerk 
of the store, Stephen Vasylyk, who is still sick, unable to work 
and is attended by doctors ; (e) the treasurer of the cooperative, 
Cyril Myhal, who is in bed, unable to work; (f) the following 
members of the cooperative : Maksim Demenchuk, who was sick 
in bed for 20 days ; Theodosius Serky, unable to work ; Anastasius 
Khmyz, still attended by doctors ; Constantine Serky, still seriously 
ill, has been in bed four weeks ; Nicholas Dobriansky, who is at- 
tended by doctors. ' ■. 

3. "PRAVDA" (TRUTH) IN HUSYATYCHI. (The minutes 
of the auditor of the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Cooperatives, 
of November 9, 1930, No. 19,722.) 

During the search in the cooperative conducted by the 14th 
regiment nf Uhlans, the following persons were assaulted : 

(a) vice-president of the board of directors of the cooperative, 
Michael Basarab (still attended by doctors) ; 

(b) the manager of the store, Alexander Basarab (attended 
by doctors) ; 

(c) the store clerk, Peter Vysochansky (attended by doctors) ; 

(d) the ihembers of the cooperative : Michael Oleynyk, Mi- 
.chael Verys, Michael Basarab, Daniel Luty. ' ' 

(The document enumerates thus 15 cooperatives, listing S8 of the 
officers. Occasionally the officers are not enumerated, the document merely 
stating that the searching party flogged every member of the management 
anc^ of the hoard of directors. In some cases the u'itnesses Seated what 
reasons the soldiers or police had given for the flogging. While heating 
Jhe managers of the cooperative store in Zboriv, the soldiers told some of 
the victims that they were whipped for concealing arms, others were re- 
minded how ill-advised it tvould be for them to role for Ukrainian deputies 
in the future. So?ne of the victims are professional coopei.atire .workers, 
others, local men of prominence, working for the development of cooperd- 


tion; among the latter are priests, mayors of villages, doctors, teachers and 
lawyers. In the village of Lozivka, the document states, the local priest 
was beaten with a rifle butt and only the intervention of the local great 
land-estate owner {a woman) saved him from further violence. When the 
police or the soldiers caught, during a search, an auditor of the Auditing 
Union of Ukrainian Cooperatives conducting the auditing in a cooperative 
store, he was, as a rule, similarly assaulted and flogged.) 

of the Auditor of the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Cooperatives^ 
of October 8, 1930, No. 17,693.) 

On October 4, 1930, there came to the village of Tychkivtsi, 
the auditor of the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Cooperatives for 
the purpose of examining the local cooperative store, in accordance 
with the requirements of the law. The auditor was not permitted 
to perform his duty, for he was arrested and taken to the local 
village jail where he was severely beaten with fists and canes till 
he bled. This auditor was later examined at the hospital of the 
'■Narodna Lichnystya" at Lviv, Piotr Skarga Street 4, where his 
wounds were properly attested to. 


: 1. "YEDNIST" (UNITY) IN KOSHLAKY. (The letter of 
the cooperative, of November 14, 1930, No. 19,643.) 

The Cooperative store reports that the mayor of the village, 
Jan Krzywonos (a Polish name — Ed.), notified the directors and 
officers of the cooperative that the supreme officer of the district, 
had ordered the liquidation of the cooperative, henceforth making 
it illegal to supply said cooperative store with any merchandise. 
Later the mayor ordered the president of the directors and the 
secretary of the cooperative to sign its liquidation, giving them 
until November 23, 1930, to decide. 

' ' ' 2. "POBIDA" (VICTORY) IN SERNYKY. (The deposition; 
of the Auditor of the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Cooperativ«3> 
on November 1, 1930, No. 19,717.) 

, The punitive detachment of the 14th Uhlan regiment of Yaz- 
loyets, on October 10, 1930, forced the inhabitants of the village 
to sign written declaration to the effect that the local cooperative 
store resigns its membership in the District Union of Cooperatives, 
as well as in the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Cooperatives.- 
Should the officers refuse to sign the declaration, the village was 
threatened with new reprisals. 


3. "YEDNIST" (UNITY) IN MEDYNA. (The letter of the 
cooperative, of November 3, 1930, No. 19,101.) On October 10, 
1930, the gendarmes Beker and Sypniewicz demanded, under the 
threat of a new punitive expedition, that the directors and officers 
of the cooperative sign a declaration of its liquidation. The mem- 
bers of the cooperative, fearing another punitive expedition, like 
the one which was going on at that very time in a neighboring 
village, signed this declaration. On October 16, 1930, the gendarme 
Jan Bilko and the school principal, Jan Podgorski, ordered, through 
the mayor, all the people to gather in the local reading-room to 
decide upon changing the cooperative into a "circle" (a Polish 
organization). The people failed to appear. 

On October 23, 1930, the gendarme Beker forbade the coop- 
erative to buy new stock of goods, under the threat of "mixing 
all the goods and the entire building of the cooperative with dust". 
The cooperative has not functioned since. 

PYCHYNTSI. (The letter of the cooperative, of October 25, 1930, 
No. 18,700.) 

The cooperative states that the mayor of the village, a Pole 
by the name of Michael Kozlowski, on October 21, 1930, compelled 
the peasants, by means of a threat of a punitive expedition, to 
drive to the supreme office of the district to sign the declaration 
that the villagers wish to have in their locality neither a Ukrainian 
cooperative, nor a Ukrainian reading-room and that from this day 
on the peasants will never call themselves Ukrainians, but Ruth- 
enians.*) The villagers, being conscious Ukrainians, refused to 
sign the declaration. 

ZBARAZH. (Letter, October 30, 1930, No. 17,323.) 

During the "pacification" of the various villages of the district 
of Zbarazh the punitive detachments of the soldiers (Uhlans from 
Brody) and the detachment of the State police from Poznan, com- 
pelled the directors and officers of the cooperative stores to sign 
declarations of the voluntary dissolution of the cooperatives. Such 
cases were reported from the following villages: 

(a) Lozivka, where the villagers were compelled by the 
threat of another punitive expedition to sign the dissolution of 

* "Dilo", the Ukrainian daily of Lviv, brings the text of such a declaration, 
which had been prepared beforehand by Polish administrative authorities in 
print and offered for signature by Ukrainians. The declaration was printed in 
Polish and reads : 


the local cooperative stores ; (b) in the village of Medyn, w^here 
they also signed such a declaration; (c) in the village of Koshlaky 
the same thing happened; (d) in the villages of Lysichyntsi and 
Bazaryntsi, the commandant of the Uhlans threatened that should 
the members of the local communal council refuse to liquidate the 
local cooperative store, the soldiers would return to the village 
and compel them to sign the declaration of the liquidation of the 


1. "ZHODA" (CONCORD) IN TERKA. (Letter of Novem- 
ber 12, 1930, No. 19,644.) 

On November 12, 1930, the chief of the local state police pad- 
locked the local cooperative store, giving no explanation for his 
act nor show^ing any v^ritten order. The cooperative store sees 
no reason for being padlocked. The stock of the cooperative store 
included newly purchased bread, rolls, sausages, bacon, butter, 
lard, eggs, flour and yeast, all of which would either rot or be 
devoured by rats and mice before the store would reopen. 


1. We, the Ruthenians, gathered at a meeting and 

numbering persons, condemn all the Ukrainian sabotages and promise 

to trace down all the Ukrainian sabotagists and deliver them into the hands of 

2. We pay deep homage to the Most Illustrious Polish Republic, the Lord 
President and the Lord Marshal Pilsudski. 

3. We vow to remain forever loyal citizens of the Polish State and to obey 
implicitly all the orders of the Polish authorities. 

4. We protest against being called "Ukrainians", since we were, are and 
always will be Ruthenians. 

5. We demand that the firebrands of public and private property, who are 
doing this for Berlin money, be court-martialed. 



We declare herewith that all the directors and officers of all the Ukrainian 
societies, namely (here the names of the organizations should be enumerated) 
cease to exist of their own will from this day. 

, on day of , 1930, 


(Letter of an officer of the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Coop- 

Policeman No. 2162, searched the officer of the Auditing Union 
of Ukrainian Cooperatives, and then the chief of police ordered 
the auditor under a threat of arrest, to leave at once for Lviv. 
The auditor wsls deprived of the right to audit the cooperative 

(The letter of October 24, 1930, No. 18,545.) 

On September 26, 1930, the chief of the State police searched 
the store of the cooperative "Plast", 5 Shashkevych Street, Lviv, 
and the workshop of the cooperative at 12 Boczna Janowska Street, 
Lviv. Even though nothing incriminating was found, the offices 
of the cooperative store w^ere padlocked, and in them all the books 
and goods. The reasons for padlocking v^ere not given. 

The cooperative "Plast" in Lviv is an independent commercial- 
cooperative enterprise, in no way connected with the Section of 
the Society for Protection of Children and Youth in Lviv of the 
same name, which was lately dissolved. 

(The letter of an officer of the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Coop- 
eratives, of October 14, 1930, No. 18,695.) 

On October 13, 1930, an officer of the Auditing Union came 
to the village of Moloshkovychi for the purpose of auditing the 
cooperative store according to the provisions of the law. He was 
unable to do so, since all the directors of the cooperative, expecting 
the arrival of the punitive expedition in the village, which was then 
"pacifying" neighboring villages, mercilessly maltreating the peas-' 
ants, had hidden, taking with them the books of the cooperative 
store. For the same reasons he could not audit the cooperative 
dairy in Yavoriv. 

TIVES, October 15, 1930, No. 18,123. 

On October 9, 1930, an officer of the Auditing Union of the 
Ukrainian Cooperatives came to the town of Halych to audit six 
local cooperative stores in the district of Halych. As the district 
was just then being "pacified" the auditor went back to Lviv with- 
out performing his duty, for fear of being assaulted. 

6. "YEDNIST" (UNITY) OF TYSHKIVTSI. (The letter of 
an officer of the Auditing Union of the Ukrainian Cooperatives, 
of October 8, 1930, No. 17,693.) 


An officer of the Auditing Union of the Ukrainian Coopera- 
tives, who came to the Tyshkivtsi on October 4, 1930, to audit 
the cooperative store was not admitted by authorities. 

YAHAYLONSKY. (The letter of an officer of the Auditing Union 
of the Ukraiinan Cooperatives, of December 2, 1930, No. 20,376.) 

Within a short period of time the following cooperative soci- 
eties in the district were dissolved and padlocked: 

STRENGTH)) in Zushytsi; 

(b) "NADIA" (HOPE) in Zbadyn; 

(c) "YEDNIST" (UNITY) in Powitna; 

(d) "YEDNIST" (UNITY) in Dobrostany; 

(e) "ZHDDA" (CONCORD) in Obroshyn; 

(f) "SAMOPOMICH" (SELF-HELP) in Zashkovychi. 

In conclusion we state that we have omitted from this report 
a great amount of material referring to the "pacification" which 
is in possession of the Auditing Union of Ukrainian Cooperatives, 
these informations being oral, and our report being based only 
upon official written data. For this reason this report does not 
comprise the sum total of what had taken place in the so-called 
"pacificatory action" on the territory of Eastern Galicia and there- 
fore it does not reflect the sad events of the "pacificatory months" 
in their entirety. 


ILKO FEDYNA, 40 years old, once a soldier in the 9th bat- 
talion of the Ukrainian Galician Arrhy, now the president of the 
reading-room of "Prosvita" and the cooperative store of Chyzhy- 
kiv, by profession a blacksmith, declares: ' 

On October 12, 1930, four police posts, namely the post of 
Vynnyky, Hayi, Borshiv and the local post started a raid. The 
reading-room was destroyed. At Fedyna's they broke the tile of 
the roof, demolished the oven and cut to pieces the blacksmith's 
bellows. In the cooperative store they scattered the goods all 
over the ground and poured kerosene upon the bacon. In the 
reading-room they broke the windows. 

On October 15, 1930^ there came into the village a detachmeiit: 
of the 14th Uhlans regiment, numbering about 130. It was Zc. 
o'clock in the morning; the Uhlans surrounded the village and 


began shooting. All the people began to scurry. Then the Uhlans 
began shooting at the people. Mathew Paranka's boy, about 15 
years, was shot in the hand and stomach. 

They seized about 24 persons, led them about the village and 
finally locked them up in a stall. Then they called them, one by 
one, to another stall, and after an "examination" they flogged each 
of them in turn. The examination was carried out in the follow- 
ing manner: the first question was whether Fedyna is the president 
of the reading-room of "Prosvita" and what is being done in 
"Prosvita". Is it true that children gather there every day for 
one hour and learn about Ukraine? Who teaches them? Who 
prepares the blue and yellow flags and who teaches them to play 
Cossacks? Who conducts the "Luh"? Where do lads and girls 
meet? Those questions Fedyna answered: that in the reading- 
room the people read books and newspapers, which is permitted. 
Children receive instruction on how to Hve honestly, and in this 
they are instructed by no one but himself. The flags were pre- 
pared for the cooperative festival, and ever since, they have been 
preserved in the reading-room. There is no branch of the "Luh" 
in the village of Chyzhykiv; and as to where lads and girls meet 
he does not know. 

"Then you will know!" he was told, and upon these words his 
legs were bound, two Uhlans held him by the hands, gagged him 
with his cap, and six Uhlans gave him about 200 blows with sticks. 
After this performance he was ordered to rise and to offer thanks 
for the lesson given him. When Fedyna turned to the lieutenant, 
he was ordered to turn to the soldiers. Then once again the 
Uhlans threw him to the ground and flogged him. After this 
second beating he was again ordered to rise, and then run. He 
was thus driven into another stall, where with 7 other men, un- 
conscious from flogging, lay on a heap of dung, some four square 
meters in extent, he lay till eight o'clock in the evening. It was 
only at that hour that a little girl dared to bring the flogged men 
some tea and thus somewhat relieved their sufferings. 

The number of the flogged amounted to 28, for the flogging 
continued on the following day. The village was ordered to fur- 
nish 100 cwt. of oats, several loads of hay and straw, several 
dozen sacks of potatoes, 5 pigs, a large number of chickens and 
eggs. There were robberies committed during the night, money 
being taken away from the people. They told the people that 
they are being flogged for "running from their own army" as well 
as for "causing unrest in Poland." 


On October 22, 1930, the police returned and ordered the 
cooperative store and other places which showed signs of destruc- 
tion, to be rearranged so that all traces of the pacification might 
be obHterated. Even at this occasion five more people were flog- 
ged. They said they would return to conduct elections. 

IVAN PAVLOVSKY, 44 years old, a farmer, a member of the 
cooperative store and the reading-room, was maltreated to a great- 
er degree than were others, for he is the son of a Pole. 


On October 12, 1930, there came into the village 150 soldiers 
of the 14th regiment of Uhlans. They surrounded the village from 
the side of the town of Yavoriv, others from that of the village 
of Nakonechne. About 60 villagers were seized and detained m 
the fire-house. Then they were called, one by one, into the read- 

VASYL ROMAN, 30 years old, laborer, father of three chil- 
'dren, once a soldier in the Ukrainian Galician Army, received 120 
blows. Four men whipped him while another four held him. Be- 
sides contusions he also has a deep wound in one of his legs. He 
was flogged all over his body, and when he was hit on the head, 
he at once bled profusely. "Now you surely will build Ukraine," 
he was told. After being flogged he was kicked about and called 
a hog. 

In the reading-room they scattered the books, in the coop- 
erative store the goods. The soldiers levied a great contribution. 
Besides grain, pigs, hogs and linen they took 3 zlotys from every 

Vasyl Roman received first aid treatment in the town of 
Yavoriv, which he reached after dragging himself along the road 
from 9 o'clock in the morning till 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Even 
on October 26 (which was the day of his deposition) he was unable 
to walk without the aid of a cane. 

IVAN PYSAK, 62 years old, received 150 blows. He swooned 
three times. As the soldiers flogged him, they called to him re- 
peatedly, "Return the rifle !" Thrown out of the house, he barely 
reached the gate, when he fell unconscious. 

IVAN HRYNKIV, 18 years of age, received 200 blows during 
the night of October 13, 1930. Four soldiers flogged him with 
flail-swingles, telling him to surrender his weapons. He was then 
thrown out into the court. A wagon was sent by his family to 


take him home. In his house he lay till October 26. The wound 
produced pus, which necessitated an operation. 

CYRYL SHPYRA, mentioned in another section, is suffering 
from the gangrene in the region of the left buttock. The section 
affected by gangrene is of the size of a man's palm. 

ROMAN SHPYRA, Cyryl's brother, 35 years of age, was also 
flogged, but no larger marks are visible. He has cured himself 
at home. 


JOSEPH CHEMERYS, 30 years of age, a member of the 
village council. 

On October 11, 1930, the punitive expedition came into the 
village at the moment when he was at the meeting of the village 
council. He was arrested and led to the reading-room, where 
there were already 13 other men. All of them were taken to a 
cellar, whence they were called out, one by one, to a barn and 
flogged. When they were flogging Chemerys, they said to him, 
"You'll attend meetings, but surrender your arms." At first he 
received 50 blows, and when revived, he received 60 more. After 
the flogging he was thrown into a pigsty among the pigs. There 
he lay several hours, and from the sty he was carried back to 
the cellar. In the cellar he lay till morning. In the morning the 
Uhlans brought him to his house in a wagon. From home he was 
taken to the hospital at Bibrka, where he lay four days. Now he 
lies at home, and is taken to Lviv to have his wounds redressed. 
He has a subcutanean hemorrhage in the left inner side of the 
thigh. X-rays were ordered to be taken of his leg as a fracture 
of the bone is suspected. 


STEPHEN SYVENKY, 30 years old, a member of the reading- 
room of "Prosvita". On the day of the arrival of the punitive 
expedition he was working in the field with his father, sowing 
wheat. The Uhlans drove them from the field to the reading- 
room, where there were already other people. His father was 
soon released but Stephen was detained. The Uhlans prepared a 
bench for flogging, stretched him upon it, gagged him with his 
sheepskin cap, and while some held him down, one sitting on his 
head, others whipped him till he lost consciousness. Then they 
dashed water over him, and when he came to, he was flogged 
again. Then, unconscious, he was thrown out into the court. 


Here his wife was waiting and took him home. The physicians 
found gangrene in the region of the right buttock, of the size of 
a man's palm. 


IVAN KOZAK, 33 years old, a member of the reading-room 
and cooperative store. 

He was whipped, on October 12, 1930, with flail-swingles, in 
a barn. He does not remember the number of strokes he received. 
After the flogging he was thrown into a damp cellar, stored with 
potatoes. He lay at home sick until October 28, when he was 
operated upon and the pus was drained away. He cannot walk 
and is delirious. 

As the soldiers were flogging him, they said, "Here you have 
your supper, then you shall get your dinner and will go to God 
to voice your complaint." 

MAXIM MATVIYISHYN, farmer, member of the reading- 
room and the cooperative store. The examination was carried out 
in the following manner : 

''Do you frequent the cooperative?" 


"And the reading-room?" 


"What for?" 

"The people go, so I go too. We read newspapers." 
- "What kind?" 
' • " 'Novy Chas' and others."* 

"Have you a rifle?" 
" "No." 

"Do you keep the 'Surma'?" 

"I don't know what that is."* 

"He does not know. Let him have it!" 

In the middle of the room they prepared two sacks of potatoes, 

tied together. He was gagged with a cap, his legs tied, and two 

Uhlans held him by the hands, two by the legs, and one by the 

.head. At the command of the sergeant four Uhlans gave him one 

hundred strokes. When he lost consciousness he was revived with 

■ *The "Novy Chas" is a nationalist Ukrainian newspaper (published openly 
in Lviv three times a week. "Surma" is the underground organ of the Ukrain- 
ian revolutionists. — Ed.) r .. ^ 


water. They stood him on his feet and asked him again, "Have 
you a rifle ?" 

When the victim ansv^ered in the negative, they flogged him 
again, and then revived him with water. Finally they threw him 
out into the courtyard, and later transferred him to the cellar, 
where other men who had been flogged were lying. There he 
spent the night. At noon his family was permitted to take him 



On October 22, 1930, the policemen stationed at Hayi and 
Vynnyky came to Chyzhykiv. The village being situated near the 
city of Lviv, it was feared that some newspaper correspondents 
might visit the locality and learn of the damage and destruction 
wrought by the military expedition. As the military detachment 
had destroyed the goods and furnishings of the cooperative store, 
the policemen, finding the cooperative still in disorder, flogged 

On the same day, in the same locality, they flogged Stephen 
Ratushynsky, born 1885, for the same reason. They whipped him 
until he bled all over. Only then he was told by a policeman, "Go 
home and wash." 


STEPHEN NYCHKALO, 50 years old. 

No punitive expedition visited the village of Porudenko, and 
therefore nothing was destroyed in the village. But on Sunday, 
October 5, 1930, there came to Porudenko four Uhlans of the 14th 
regiment and took Stephen Nychkalo and Michael Nychkalo, the 
communal scribe, to the reading-room of the village of Nako- 
nechne, where the 14th regiment of Uhlans was conducting the 
punitive expedition. Stephen Nychkalo testified that he saw in 
the reading-room: Corporal Pohorecki, Lukow, Olijarnyk, also 
mentioned Major Czajkowski. Nychkalo was placed upon a bench, 
he was gagged with a wet rag; four Uhlans held his hands and 
legs and two others whipped him. They neither questioned him 
nor spoke to him, but lashed him 150 times with canes, nothwith- 
standing the fact that he complained of heart trouble. During 
the whipping he was revived twice with cold water. Later he was 
thrown out into the courtyard where he was whipped by soldiers 
until they were tired. Finally a wagon came and took him to 
Porudenko. Nychkalo lay at home two weeks. On his shoulders 
he had at first a dark blue wound, then mortification set in and 


the flesh began to fall away. At present the wound is of the size 
of three hands, 5 centimeters long and from 2 to 3 centimeters 
deep*). The bottom of the wound is of grey-red appearance of 
necrotic character. Below it on the left side there is a wound 
which has a cavity of the size of a small fist. 

MICHAEL NYCHKALO received on that occasion 100 strokes. 


KAZIMIERZ WIENIARSKI**), farmer, 36 years old, a di- 
rector of the reading-room of "Prosvita". 

On October 11, 1930, a detachment of the 14th Uhlan regiment 
brought Wieniarski with 16 other inhabitants of the village of 
Kotsuriv to Podhorodyshche. The brutalities here were similar 
to those in other places. He received 300 strokes. Unconscious, 
he was carted with others to Kotsuriv. At first he treated him- 
self with compresses of cold water mixed with vinegar, but when 
his fever did not diminish, he had to go to the hospital at Bibrka. 
While he was in the hospital his wound opened and pus flowed 
from it for several days. After two weeks the director of the 
hospital sent him home, saying that he was not allowed to keep 
him in the hospital any longer. The wound is of the size of a 
man's palm. 


PAUL DUDA, member of the reading room and of the village 
council, 36 years old, a farmer. 

Some 20 people were herded into the reading room and in 
turn called out, one after another, placed upon a bench and flogged 
with canes. While being flogged, he swooned, was revived with 
water and flogged again. Fainting a second time, he was again 
revived with water. One of the soldiers present said, "Now you 
will know how to build a Ukraine." After he was released, he 
took a few steps along the street and fell to the ground uncon- 

* 1 inch — 2.5 centimeters. — Ed. 

** Both the baptismal and the family name are Polish. — Ed. 



ANDREW KOVALCHUK, farmer, 25 years old, member of the 
reading-room and the cooperative store. 

A police detachment came on October 2, 1930. As Kovalchuk 
came out of his stable, a policeman, who was passing- by, asked 
him why he did not bow to him. "When I pass by, thou* must bid 
me good-morning", the policeman said and struck Kovalchuk's 
face three times. After a short time the police started a search in 
Kovalchuk's household. They turned everything upside down, and 
everything that could be, was destroyed. They found nothing (in- 
criminating). Then one of the policeman said, "After we work 
such destruction in every place, you can have no desire for sabot- 
age." It should be noted that there were no acts of sabotage in 
the village. 

•On October 4, 1930, soldiers came to the village. They took 
nine people to Borynychi, drove them into a stall, and from it 
called them, one by one, to a Barn. Whoever was called had to 
run to the commandant and to report himself. The commandant 
asked, "Where are the weapons?" 

"I have none." 

"Lie down!" 

At the first beating he received 105 strokes. "Do you know 
why you were beaten?" he was asked. "No," he said. 

"Lie down again!" 

This time Kovalchuk received 90 strokes with a cane. 

"And now do you know why you were beaten?" 
- As he fell to the ground, he could hear the words, "For taking 
part in politics and for the 'Luh'." 

PHILLIP TANCHYN, 30 years old, farmer and cooperator. 

On one buttock there appears a big wound 2 square deci- 
meters (32 square inches), full of pus, the rest of that buttock 
and the other one are covered with welts. The punishment was 
inflicted two weeks ago. He is as white as a sheet and is unable 
to speak. The deposition is made by his wife and a friend. 

On October 11, 1930, a detachment of the 6th regiment of 
mounted rifle came to the village from Zhovkva. At the early 
hour of 4 o'clock in the morning a section of the detachment sur- 

* The singular form of address in "thou" connotes familiarity when used 
among relatives or friends ; contempt and insolence when used bj' a stranger. 


rounded the entire village lest anyone should try to leave. They 
forgot, however, about one path leading to the forest. 

A great commotion started in the village as the people had 
already heard of punitive expeditions and their activities in the 
neighboring village of Stremin. The mayor was called and ordered 
to summon all the people to the communal building. There the 
Poles and the Jews were read from a list and released, the re- 
maining, about 120 persons in all, were driven into the courtyard 
surrounding the school building. A guard was placed here, and 
then, two by two, they were led, under escort, into the school. 
When the mayor and the village councillors declared that such 
a procedure is contrary to the laws, the mayor was thrown out. 
Not even his declaration that he should be flogged first, if they 
were to flog at all, was of any avail. They asked for firearms, 
and then, after the hearings, they forced even the oldest people to 
perform various "drills," for the purpose of ridiculing the aged. 
Philip Tanchyn, Anthony Baka (68 years old) and Ivan Bokata, 
30 years of age, were badly beaten. 

In the village of STREMIN girls were compelled to plait wire 
whips and to wrap them with linen. The flogging was carried out 
as everywhere else. After the flogging the entire body. of the victim 
was black. After that the flogged men were lined up at the river 
and commanded "Fall into the water!" at which they had to jump 
into the river and to carry out there what the soldiers jeeringly 
called "Luh exercises." As everybody was obliged to enter the 
water clothed, whoever had upon his person paper money, receipts 
or other documents, suffered its total loss. When the victims were 
ordered to immerse completely, the soldiers, seated on their horses, 
watched for heads emerging from the water, which they beat with 
whips. Such "exercises" were repeated several times, allowing five 
minutes of rest between them. 

When the detachment was about to leave the village, the peas- 
ants were ordered to kneel down, to bow to the departing sol- 
diers, and thank them for the lesson thus imparted. 

The material herein presented constitutes but a trifling por- 
tion of what has actually occurred during the so-called pacification 
of the various districts of Eastern Galicia, on the territory of the 
voyvodships of Lviv, Tarnopol and Stanislaviv. Presentation of a 
fuller account was precluded by the situation created during the 
pacification, as well as by the fact that this pacification was about 
to be concluded. Collecting the material was made exceedingly 
difficult, because of hindrance by police and administrative offi- 



cials. Many cases are known of arrests of Ukrainian lawyers, 
on charges of espionage, economic and military, only because the 
victims appealed to them for legal advice and asked to have com- 
plaints filed in the courts against those responsible for the exces- 
ses during the pacification. Even physicians who took care of the 
sick were arrested and searched, and their private houses became 
objects of attacks by criminal individuals (e. g. Dr. M. Panchyshyn 
and Dr. Cymbalisty, of Lviv). 

The same circumstance also thwarted the confirmation of in- 
dividual details and facts, which might have received here and 
there some overcoloring. Such verification lay beyond our powers. 
But even if only a portion of the material presented is true, the 
entire pacification is not only a great excess but a still greater 
wrong, as well as a moral trampling of human dignity of persons 
of the entire race. This is not only the opinion of the Ukrainian 
people. Individuals of the Polish race, just and solicitous for the 
welfare of the Polish nation, have spoken most severely and with 
the highest indignation about the entire procedure of pacifica- 

In our motion and its motivation we are going to touch upon 
only one side of the situation. To the facts described above there 
were added acts committed by unknown persons to the detriment 
of various Ukrainian institutions and individual citizens. We have 
in mind such acts as the blowing up of the Ukrainian school of 
Lev in Lviv, of the building of the Tsentrosoyus (The Center of 
the Ukrainian Cooperatives) in Lviv, a bomb attack against the 
monastery of the Studits, burning down of reading rooms of "Pros- 
vita", and the like. These acts of "revenge" are the consequences 
of the irresponsible agitation of certain political parties of the 
Polish people. Of course, the atmosphere created by those acts 
is most detrimental not only to the Ukrainian people but to the 
Polish nation as well. Such an atmosphere anarchizes the entire 
social life and it will be difficult on another occasion to curb un- 
restrained instincts. 

The recent events again revealed in a terrifying manner the 
old wounds of the relations between the Poles and the Ukrainians, 
those from before the war as well as after the war. Again a 
chasm is evident which must fill us all with fear about the future 
of the two races. As a result of the activities of the police and 
the army above described, the relations in the voyvodships with 
a Ukrainian population have become inflamed to such a degree as 
never before. 

We must also declare in a most emphatic manner that during 
the pacification we did not remain inactive but did all within our 


power to inform the authorities about the real and actual course 
of the action and to ask them to withdraw the punitive detach- 
ments of the police and the army, as well as to discontinue to 
further maltreat innocent people. At the very outset of our mo- 
tivation we mention our attitude towards the sabotage and arson, 
which eventually found its highest expression in the common state- 
ment of the Ukrainian parties : national-democratic, socialist-radi- 
cal, and social-democratic. 

Outside of that we strove to come into personal touch with 
the governmental circles through interventions either with the par- 
ticular voyvodes, or with the organs of safety, or with various 
Ministries. Such interventions took place in Lviv, Tarnopol, and 
in Warsaw, in the Ministry of the Interior, of Justice, of Religious 
Denominations and of Public Education. In these interventions 
participated deputies, social and political workers, as well as Metro- 
politan Sheptytsky, who personally went twice to Warsaw, to 
induce the authorities by personal intercession to change their 
attitude towards the pacification. We mention here also the in- 
tervention of the Ukrainian cooperative workers with the Presi- 
dent of the Council of Ministers and with the President of the 
National Cooperative Council in the Ministry of Treasury on No- 
vember 5, 1930. 

All these interventions brought no results. Notwithstanding 
various assurances, the pacification was not discontinued. As long 
as we were condemning incendiarism and sabotage, we were list- 
ened to attentively, but a deaf ear was turned to all our fair and 
just grievances against the conduct of the authorities. The best 
proof of this attitude is the confiscation by the censor of the pas- 
toral letter of the Greek-Catholic bishops in the matter of arson 
and sabotage. 

As in the first stage of the pacification the object was per- 
haps to suppress, by such a violent stroke, sabotage and incen- 
diarism, just so in the later stage the punitive expeditions pro- 
ceeded against the population with certain specifically defined de- 
mands. In a great number of localities the punitive expeditions 
requested the village councils and individual persons to pass reso- 
lutions, or to sign declarations, in which the communes, or indi- 
viduals, "plead" for the dissolution of the existing Ukrainian insti- 
tutions and societies. The elections were very often mentioned 
in those resolutions. Under the threat of another punitive ex- 
pedition the people were forced either to declare themselves will- 
ing to vote for the list of the "Non-partizan Bloc of cooperation 
with the government," or to refrain from voting. Even resolu- 


tions in which the people renounce the name of Ukraine and 
Ukrainians, and accept the name of "Ruthenia and Ruthenians," 
were proposed. 

In conclusion of this motivation of our motion, we must add 
that the entire pacification not only brought no benefit, but abso- 
lutely missed its aim, its usefulness being, amidst the situation 
created, completely illusory and produced immeasurable results for 
the country and the future of the two races concerned. 

We may as well state here that the present conditions were 
influenced by certain other circumstances. We have in mind the 
decrees of the Ministries of Religious Denominations and Pub- 
lic Education by which the State "Gymnasium" (college) in Tar- 
nopol, with Ukrainian as the language of instruction, the Ukrain- 
ian private "gymnasiums" of the "Ridna Shkola" Association at 
Rohatyn and Drohobych were dissolved. Though this matter was 
done in the manner prescribed by law, yet the facts did not war- 
rant such drastic action by the authorities. If to the harrowing 
experiences of the pacification be added also these decrees in- 
flicting on the Ukrainian people a grievous damage, the loss of 
the cultural work of generations, we will be able to understand 
why sorrow and bitterness find such unusually fertile ground 
among the people. 

In a living racial organism, all this can not but produce cer- 
tain consequences which must be reflected in the political orienta- 
tion of society. In the present time, so full of various political 
emergencies, especially in international relations, such sentiments 
often find support. A far-seeing statesman must take this into 
consideration. He must also do everything in his power to mini- 
mize the damage arising from the situation, and then do his utmost 
to banish the memories of the evil done. 

Calling attention to these consequences of the activities of 
punitive expeditions of the police and the army, we think that only 
an ascertainment of the real state of affairs, calling to account 
all the guilty persons, to remunerate all the innocent persons for 
the damages, moral and material, as well as rebuilding of the in- 
stitutions, cultural and economic, of the Ukrainian people — can 
help to remove the present atmosphere of high tension between 
the Poles and the Ukrainians in Poland. 





"The Polish society will surely react to the so-called pacifica- 
tion at least in the same manner as they reacted to the Brest 
affair. They should do it. Since the facts as revealed by the 
Ukrainian resolution are a hundred times, a thousand times, worse 
than the Brest affair! One simply lacks words to express the 
horror which permiates the reader of the Ukrainian resolution," 

ROBOTNIK, the Polish socialist paper of Warsaw. 

(Of course, it is not a communist paper. It is the organ of the party 
to which Pilsudski once proclaimed his allegiance. 

It is a comment ivhich is not in conformity with the rest of the Polish 
press. It is an exception. The rest of the Polish press did not support 
the resolution of the Ukrainian senators for an investigation of the Ukrain- 
ian senators for an investigation of the official terror against the Ukrainians. 
Not even those Polish neivs papers which protested against the arrests and 
mistreatment of the Poles were fair enough to protest against notoriously 
much harsher methods used against the Ukrainians as a race, this "Robotnik" 
excepting. — Ed. ) 


The Ukrainian interpellation in the Polish Seym (referred 
to in my message of Tuesday) was accompanied by a document 
that is the most comprehensive report hitherto made on the atro- 
cities in Eastern Galicia. This report has now come into my 
hands. It contains 81 pages of typescript. Of these more than 
seventy are filled with data, drawn up village by village, giving 
names of victims and of witnesses as well as many details of 
injuries done to persons and damage done to property. The 
report is moderate in its language and precise in its statements 
of facts. 

It does not deny that acts of incendiarism and sabotage were 
committed by members of the Ukrainian military organisation, 
the so-called Uwo, but it denies that the Uwo committed more 
than a part of the excesses laid to its charge. It also points 


out that the chief Ukrainian party, the Undo, warned the popula- 
tion against any excesses, and recognised that if they went on 
the consequences would be serious. The report recognises that 
the authorities were justified in taking action against individuals, 
but, so it continues, they also took action against the Ukrainian 
inhabitants of Eastern Galicia as a whole, who had nothing to 
do with the excesses committed by a small minority. 

The report then passes on to the so-called "pacification," and 
in its cold precision it leaves little room for hoping that what 
happened in Eastern Galicia is not far worse than appeared in 
any previous account. Even Miss Sheepshanks's terrible narra- 
tive pales before the accumulation of human outrages revealed in 
this report. 

In a general way these outrages were as described by Miss 
Sheepshanks and by your special correspondent in Lvoff last 
November, but this document differs in the greater abundance of 
harrowing details such as could be collected village by village 
over a longer period of time. There can be little doubt that the 
number of persons who were beaten — that is to say, beaten in the 
horrible manner described by your^ correspondent in Lvoff — must 
be reckoned not by scores but by hundreds, and that many of the 
beatings took place in regions where there had been no acts of 
sabotage either by the Uwo or by anyone. Yet even this report 
is not complete. 

Villages Still Terrorised. 

To take evidence in the villages was extremely difficult, 
because the Polish authorities made every effort to prevent it. 
Eastern Galicia, it must be remembered, is under a terror even 
to-day. Thus it is still impossible to make estimates of the total 
number of persons who were beaten or the total damage done. 
Even the number of those who have died of their injuries is un- 
certain — a dozen would probably be a low estimate. I have 
just learned of two further deaths form beatings (deaths hitherto 

It may be urged that this report (unlike the reports of Miss 
Sheepshanks and of your special correspondent, which were based 
on independent investigation and first-hand knowledge) is 
Ukrainian, and therefore partisan. But I am able to state that 
those responsible for drawing it up (their names cannot be men- 
tioned just now, although they are known to me) have done so 
with the utmost care and the most critical sifting of the evidence. 
After all, in a report that is submitted to the Polish Seym, with 


its hostile majority, any exaggeration or falsehood would be ex- 
posed at once, and would destroy a most formidable case. Thus, 
while mistakes are, of course, possible, and while evidence taken 
in remote villages may not be reliable in every single detail, 
especially when round figures are given, it is to be feared that 
the statements made in the report are substantially true. 

{The Manchester Guardian, Friday, January 30, 1931). 





The question of "pacification" of Eastern Galicia was debated 
at the session of the administrative committee on January 21. 
The matter was reported by ZDZISLAW STRONSKI, who said, 
among other things, that the motion cannot be discussed without 
touching upon the whole problem of the Polish-Ukrainian rela- 
tions. He spoke about "espionage", sabotages, and so on, which, 
he alleged, had forced the government to use more extreme meas- 
ures. He demanded rejection of the motion. 

Ukrainian National Democratic Union) took the floor. 

He said among other things : For everything that the Ukrain- 
ians possess they have to thank only their own labors. Towards 
all those acts which the government called by the name of sabot- 
age, which were used as a pretext for pacification, the Ukrainian 
public took a negative attitude and condemned them. Pacification 
was not justified by anything. The government justifies the paci- 
fication by pointing out to an amount of arms and military mate- 
rials found. These materials have no importance for warfare, and 
are without exception materials left from the world war, damaged 
and dotted. So far not one "pacified" person has been convicted 
by the courts, and out of thousands of persons arrested during 
the pacification almost nobody was detained. Pacificatory detach- 
ment very often had to inspire themselves by imbibing liquor. In 
these activities "Swiazek Strzelecki" took part. The whole paci- 
fication was directed against the reading rooms of the "Prosvita" 
and the cooperatives. They were dissolved, and often, as it hap- 
pened for instance in Sokilnyky, the commandant of the post of 
gendarmes himself called together a meeting of the reading room 
and compelled the members to liquidate their society. There are 


about a dozen cases of deaths during or following the whipping. 
The deputy concludes with an appeal to have the matter threshed 
out thoroughly and to give the Ukrainian people a moral satisfac- 
tion and material indemnity for the damages done to them. He 
who states that in the pacified districts consciously closes his eyes 
to reality. 

DEPUTY CIOLKOSZ, of the Polish Socialist Party, is aston- 
ished not to see Minister Skladkowski at the session, who at the 
moment when pacification has become the object of discussion 
even in Geneva, has nothing to say in the matter outside of a 
short fragmentary declaration given in the Budget committee. 

In the thirteen years of her existence Poland has made not one 
step towards the solution of the racial problem. The government 
has no program in the matter, and forgets even that at least one 
third of the population of Poland is of non-Polish races, that even 
according to the government statistics the Ukrainian number 15 
per cent. 

The Ukrainian people are more numerous than the Polish 
people. They had already had a foretaste of independence and 
they cannot forget it. 

Out of Poland's 29,292 public schools, there are only 779 
Ukrainian schools. Even if we were to add to them all the bi- 
lingual schools, still it would be far from 15 per cent. 

The Poles carry out no international obligations towards the 
Ukrainians, they even take away from them their national name. 

There is therefore little wonder that the Ukrainian youth be- 
comes desperate. We cannot approve of this. Nor is this com- 
mended by the thinking section of the Ukrainian public. 

It is a however an unheard-of fact that a whole race should 
be blamed for the acts of the individuals. Two principles were 
applied during the pacification : the principle of corporate com- 
munal responsibility and that of wholesale punishment. I am 
afraid that the matter will not stop at the pacification of the 
Ukrainian people, but that the government and the police will 
soon pacify also the Polish people, just as the two nationalities 
were placed on an equal footing at Brest. 

It is a strange fact that the pacification should coincide with 
the elections. The official majority of the Sejm charges the 
Ukrainians with resorting to propaganda abroad, but one should 
not forget that the Poles, too, have often appealed to the opinion 
of the world. Pacification has not solved the Ukrainian problems 
since peace reigns also in the cemetery. The responsibility for 
the solution of this problem rests fully upon the B.B. (pro-govern- 
ment "Non-partizan Bloc"). Polish democrats and socialists refuse 


to take any responsibility for what happened in Eastern GaHcia 
during the pacification. 

DEPUTY KLESZCZYNSKI, of the B.B., says that Eastern 
GaHcia has a mixed population, so intermarried that it is difficult 
to find Poles who are not affiliated with "Ruthenians". The source 
of the struggle among them is Berlin. Deputy Ciolkosz, the speak- 
er says, reminded us of the struggle for independence. The Poles 
remember it well, and this is why they will not allow foreign ele- 
ments to incite the two brotherly races to struggle. 

DEPUTY REV. SZYDELSKI wishes to find the road of coex- 
istence of the Poles and the "Ruthenians". As to the pacification, 
he wishes to call attention to what proceeded it. The cause of 
pacification, he says, is found on the side of the "Ruthenian public". 
The development of the "Ruthenian" institutions and cooperatives 
proves that the "Ruthenians" have the very best conditions for 
development. As a result of the violent acts by the Ukrainian 
institutions the Poles demanded that the government put an end 
to the crimes. It is difficult to explain the crimes by the activities 
of communists since many members of Ukrainians institutions 
were caught in the very act of committing crimes. The speaker 
does not believe that the motion of the Ukrainian Club leads to 
the pacification of the minds, and so he will vote against it. 

DEPUTY MICHAEL BACHYNSKY, the "representative of 
the Ruthenian group of the B. B.," declares that he will use in his 
speech the term "Ruthenian," and not "Ukrainian," since the people 
of Eastern Galicia are "Ruthenians," although a portion accepted 
the term "Ukrainian." Eastern Galicia was not annexed to Poland 
by the force of arms, against the will of the "Ruthenian" people. 
The war of 1918 was imposed upon the people by the Galician- 
Ukrainian politicians. This was in understanding with Austria, 
since Wilhelm Habsburg was to become a Ukrainian king. If in 
1918 the people were given an opportunity to declare freely their 
will, they would have declared themselves against a war with 
Poland. The conception of that war is a conception of Ukrainian 
intellectuals, who have on their conscience the blood of more than 
80,000 "Ruthenian" people, whom Austria hanged during the war. 
The "Ruthenians" have to thank the Polish bishops for many 
pardons (by the Austrian government). It is not the Poles, but 
the Ukrainians who conducted the pacification of the "Ruthenian" 
people in 1918. They robbed, requisitioned, killed wholesale, ex- 
ecuted. When Poland was reconstructed, terror continued. Peasants 
saw no way out, hence they believed in the power of the Ukrainian 
Military organization. And the Ukrainian clergy closes the church 


doors before those who are loyal to Poland. The '''Ruthenians" 
are forced to listen to Ukrainian songs. The education of children 
in the Ukrainian schools is improper, since they are brought up 
to hate Poland. Sabotages are made for export abroad. A strong 
government had to resort to reprisals. Pacification has this good 
side that the "Ruthenian" peasants and the Ukrainian Military 
Organization came to the conclusion that the State has enough 
strength to introduce order. For the first time in Eastern Galicia 
the strong hand of the government was noticed. To be sure, the 
pacification has created a chasm between the Polish and the "Ruth- 
enian" people, on the one hand, and the Ukrainian people, on the 
other. Poland helps the "Ruthenian" population with credits, sub- 
ventions, assistance, and so on. The government has always 
stretched to Ukrainian politicians a hand to agreement, but it 
always met with a refusal. All the Poles should support loyal 
"Ruthenians" in their eft'orts to free themselves from unhealthy 
influences. The speaker considers it his duty to vote against the 
Ukrainian motion. * 

In the evening a vote was taken in the Administrative Com- 
mittee on the motion of the deputy Zdislaw Stronski. The motion 
passed with 18 votes against 6. After the vote, DEPUTY 
HALUSHCHYNSKY in his declaration denied the statement that 
his party were supported by Berlin. 






The characteristic of our speeches and declarations, which in 
both Houses of the Parliament as well as in their various com- 
mittees, have for their contents grievances, complaints, and pro- 
tests, is not the outcome of our character, but of the conditions of 
our life. 

The problem which is the object of this session, by its extent 
and importance, reaches far beyond all the problems of today. 
It is even difficult to find an appropriate term to express the enor- 
mity of the problem, though the term "pacification" already speaks 
for itself, that here is a matter far graver than can be called by any 
other term. 

* (Taken from "Dilo", Lviv, January 23, 1931.) 


Following the example of the gentleman who presented the 
motion to the committee (Deputy Strosnki, of the B.B.) I have no 
go back to the past in order to correct first of all those statements 
according to which the Ukrainian people are represented as com- 
pletely satisfied with their position and care for no change, and 
that they accepted the "pacification" as such a fact which freed 
them of the terror of elements whose tendency was to graft hatred 
of the Polish government and people, and whose tendency was to 
spread unrest, and to do this out of the motives dictated by for- 
eign powers, usually some outward power inimical to the Polish 
State. The information of deputy Stronski that the Ukrainian 
people are contented and wish no change in their situation, 
is completely erroneous, or consciously not true. The Ukrainian 
people, who have a long history, who have a long contact with the 
Polish people, state firmly, through their representatives, that the 
Ukrainian-Polish problem has not been solved yet, and that the 
events which have taken place during the period of their occupa- 
tion by Poland, and especially the events of the last days, have 
made that problem exceedingly difficult. If we are alleged to have 
no right to represent the Ukrainian masses, or, as the deputy 
who presented us the report said, we have no right to speak in 
the name of the Ukrainian people, such statements have no foun- 
dation. Surely even the gentleman who uttered those words does 
not believe them. Quite the contrary, we must state with empha- 
sis that this right we have received from the hands of our people 
and we enjoy a true and full confidence of the Ukrainian masses. 
The Ukrainian-Polish problem is very complex, and who 
knows if not the only one of its kind. That's why its solution is 
not so simple. It must be stated that the governmental authori- 
ties do not realize this difficulty and console themselves with a 
cheap view that everything is in due order in the territory of 
Eastern Galicia and that whatever they have done and are doing 
is effective and justified. As the entire activity of the government 
depends upon strong actions, upon punitive expeditions, upon cur- 
tailing the rights already acquired, then it follows that such strong 
policy of the government is the acme of state wisdom. In the 
meanwhile the problem requires a deep and delicate analysis, 
a conscientious study, examination of conditions, obstacles and 
difficulties, it demands hard labor and efforts, knowledge of the 
Ukrainian racial entity, the curtailment of the rash actions of 
Polish individuals and the entire Polish public, so as to present a 
model of order which would give, if not a full then at least a 
partial satisfaction, of the needs of the Ukrainian people. 


In the period of the Austrian occupation the Ukrainian peo- 
ple stood on equal footing with the Polish people in their relations 
to the central government in Vienna. This equality was often 
violated in the name of the principle "Divide et impera," each 
time in favor of the Polish element. Still the Ukrainian people 
continued to create by their own zeal and labor a culture of their 
own, to cristalize themselves into a racial unity, and had one 
clear racial-political idea, the expression of which was their fiery 
tendency towards the creation of their own state. In armed con- 
flicts the Ukrainian people realized their own Statehood. To be 
sure, this was only for a short time, because in the following con- 
flicts it lost out, under the pressure of preponderating powers, and 
found itself within the Polish nation, at first in the state of pre- 
liminary undefined relation, later, after 1923, according to the de- 
cision of the Council of Allied Ambassadors, on the basis of inter- 
national obligations undertaken by the Polish government. This 
tragic passage from independence to dependence was exceedingly 
painful and difficult and many people had experienced great diffi- 
culty in reconciling themselves with the hard facts of life. This 
was the more difficult as whatever happens with the Ukrainian 
people in Poland is nothing else but the reduction of this great 
and live race to the level of citizens of the secondary, if not ter- 
tiary category in political respect, and to the level of most primi- 
tive existence in cultural respect. 

We hear very often, and we heard even today from the lips 
of the deputy who made the report to the committee, that the 
great and rank growth of the Ukrainian culture, enlightenment 
and economics is a proof of something completely different, namely, 
of the great benevolence and well-wishing treatment of those 
organizations by the Polish Government. If there w^ere none of 
that favorable treatment, they say, such a splendid development 
of those institutions would be impossible. The same statement 
was made before the known conference of foreign correspondents 
arranged by the Minister of the Interior in October 1930, that is 
when the so-called "pacification" of the Ukrainian territory stood 
at its height. From this place we must state once more that the 
entire development of Ukrainian people is exclusively our 
own work, an outcome of the hard resolution to do the con- 
structive work, the work which the Polish government and even 
the Polish public, with few exceptions, obstructed and still ob- 
structs by raising unique obstacles. In all the period of our life 
under Poland we have never experienced a trifle of benevolence, 
not even in one sphere. We lost our schools. Our cultural de- 


velopment is under a heavy oppression. Our cultural and eco- 
nomical life is deprived of all assistance. They have not the 
credits due to them; and the agrarian reform has become a tool 
for further wronging the Ukrainian farming population. The 
organs of autonomy are distorted to such an extent that they 
cannot bring our people any benefits, but are tv^isted to harm our 
people wherever possible. We want to have hope that the new 
autonomous laws, whose preparation is now spoken of, will bring 
us some change. 

Whenever the Ukrainian representatives in the previous Par- 
liaments raised their voices to make fully justified demands, their 
voices found no hearing. They could not succeed even in obtain- 
ing assistance for their cultural institutions, and the support voted 
was rather a sneer than any real assistance. They have, for in- 
stance, voted 2,000 zlotys for the "Prosvita" (Enlightenment). 
This is for a society which has a yearly turnover of about a mil- 
lion zlotys. In 1930, all the support was denied to it on the 
ground that the funds were exhausted. Let us grant that cer- 
tain economies were introduced then, but why should all the econ- 
omies be applied only to Ukrainian institutions? And this in spite 
of the fact that it was said at the Budget debate of the Parlia- 
ment that the needs of Ukrainian institutions would be recog- 

All this hostile atmosphere (towards the Ukrainians) creates 
the substratum on which grows the Ukrainian unrest, which time 
and time again explodes and tries to speak with a cry of its long- 
suffering soul and to reveal the wish of the people to live, to 
develop, to create values for themselves and for others. That is 
the reason why we have to look frankly and impartially at the 
conditions of the life of the Ukrainian people, and not to close 
our eyes to the reality and not to cheat ourselves. Only then we 
will succeed in realizing the immensity of the problem and the 
danger of the situation. Only in this manner we will start to 
cure, but not with those innumerable reprisals, which were ap- 
plied to the Ukrainian people, the capping point of which was the 
so-called pacification which the deputy who presented us with the 
report tried so hard to whitewash and extenuate. 

It cannot be denied that during the period beginning with 
the occupation of the Ukrainian people by the Polish State to 
the so-called pacification there were no acts of revolutionary char- 
acter. They may be regarded as voices supplementing the utter- 
ances of the elements in that respect that they clearly pointed 
out to the abnormality of the conditions amidst which the Ukrain- 


ian people are forced to live. In the meantime the deputy who 
presented the report to the committee repeats once more the old 
thesis of dubious value according to which the fault for all the 
manifestations of unrest fall upon a certain part of the Ukrainian 
public and then, entering upon the characterization of the exist- 
ing conditions, sees the contentment of the Ukrainian people, 
simply an idyl in which the Ukrainian and the Polish people par- 
take. He represents that matters so as if the Ukrainian political 
leaders were the only one to stir the peace, to trouble peaceful 
waters, and this they are doing, he says, not as those who express 
and champion the masses, but only as expression of the thoughts 
of certain groups and various suspicious influences. According to 
this deputy, the magnanimity and benevolence of the Polish public 
went so far that nobody can quote even one example of insult or 
profanation of the Ukrainian national or cultural or even church 
holidays by the Polish public. He says that there were no (Po- 
lish) attacks on Ukrainian institutions, no destruction of Ukrain- 
ian national monuments. He points only to one incident which is 
an exception in his opinion, namely, to the fact that the Polish 
school youth, reacting to the destruction of a tablet in memory 
of Szajnocha on the building of one of the Polish Gymnasiums 
in Lviv, concluded their mass parade by breaking windows in 
several Ukrainian institutions. Further excesses, he says, were 
prevented by the Polish police, with great difficulty. The deputy 
has evidently forgotten about a whole series of pogrom parades 
which have taken place in the preceding years. When they could 
be excused on the ground that they were provoked by certain 
demonstrative acts on the Ukrainian side, then no excuse can be 
found for those acts which the Poles started themseslves. And 
we may name many such cases in which Ukrainian national, cul- 
tural, even religious festivities were profaned by individuals, whole 
groups of organized masses. Two years ago they profaned the 
religious festivity of Jordan in Horodok. There is the notorious 
fact of a pogrom of a reading-room at Vynnyky during an exhi- 
bition. Various attacks of the "Strzelcy" and disturbances of the 
Ukrainian people in their cultural centers and during their vari- 
ous festivals are also well known. If there were also facts of de- 
struction and profanation of Polish monuments, this was done by 
unknown individuals, but they were always charged to the Ukrain- 
ians, though the perpetrators were unknown, although the Ukrain- 
ian press and public as a rule condemned all such acts, while the 
Polish public never criticized in a similar manner similar acts on 
the part of the Polish public, especially on the part of the Polish 


students, organized into the branches of the "Strzelcy". There 
is in our country not even one cemetery or collective grave on 
which the crosses were not cut. There is not one grave of Ukrain- 
ian soldiers fallen in the struggle for the freedom of the race, 
whose monument was not damaged. Many an interpellation was 
filed with the Polish Parliament quoting disturbanace of the sleep 
of the idealistic champions of the freedom of the Ukrainian people 
(Lysonya, Kluch, Makivka) by the Polish police. How far the 
intolerance of this respect goes, let me use the following fact 
of the latest days : the reading-room in Kryvenke, district of Hu- 
syatyn, was dissolved lately, the motive being: the society has over- 
stepped the sphere of its activity as some members of the reading- 
room took part in the Mass celebrated in memory of those who 
had fallen and were buried in a common grave in Tovstenke. 

I am coming now to the events of the last months. There 
began frequent acts of burning of stacks of hay and grain. Who 
were the perpetrators of those criminal acts, is not known to this 
very day since the investigations went not in the direction of 
discovery of the culprits, but in a direction completely different. 
The deputy who gave us the report himself keeps on talking of 
the unknown perpetrators, confirming again and again that the 
people are calm and innocent. And yet against them, their life, 
health, and property, against their cultural achievements, against 
the fruits of their cultural work, were applied such methods which 
cannot be included into the conception of the legal procedure by 
governmental authorities towards its citizens. Deputy Stronski, 
in his report, and now you, gentlemen, in your speeches quote 
against me the words and statements of the "Surma" (Clarion), 
which takes all the acts of "sabotage" (one surely cannot con- 
sider burning down of private property for an act of sabotage) 
upon its own responsibility and notes that behind each of these 
acts there is an order of the Ukrainian Military Organization. 
First of all, I must say that nobody of us saw those numbers of 
the "Surma". It is only you who have them in your hands. At 
any rate, one may infer from your words that those things are 
done after the accomplished fact and with special aims in view. 
What were the motives which moved those who wrote that is 
not known. We hear only from the American press that all this 
is being done with the aim of showing a certain activity, so that 
in this manner funds should grow for further activities. We, 
however, may state that our information tells us of something 
completely different. If even a certain portion of the acts of in- 
cendiarism was caused by the Ukrainian Military Organization, 


then surely a great percentage of those acts of incendiarism was 
to be attributed to conscious provocateurs, and then to the con- 
scious speculation of the proprietors of grain. This was confirmed 
by the voyvoda of Lviv during a press conference in Lviv. You 
do not believe my words and you raise a tumult against my words. 
And how can you explain the frequent and common arsons of 
hay and grain stacks in the purely Polish provinces? 

As I have already mentioned, the investigations by the au- 
thorities were not directed towards discovery of the guilty per- 
sons. On the other hand, comments were heard in a great por- 
tion of the Polish press, and then also in the greater part of the 
Polish public, to the effect that the Polish public should have a 
revenge on the Ukrainian public, which should go as far as a 
complete destruction of the entire Ukrainian life. The deputy 
who presented the report mentioned only a meeting held in Tar- 
nopol, at which some sober individuals were not even admitted 
to speak. We will add to this that such a meeting was held not 
only in Tarnopol, but in various other places. They were called 
everywhere. They were called together by the organization of 
the "defenders", political, and other. They were called under vari- 
ous pretexts. They were called before the "pacification" started 
and during it. And the resolutions of all those meetings, to the 
meeting of the Students of higher Polish schools in Lviv which 
was- held as late as October 1930, said nothing about the culprits, 
but their resolutions were directed against the entire Ukrainian 
race, against all their public and private institutions. 

The situation created by this compelled the Ukrainian politi- 
cal leaders to a serious consideration of the situation, at the very 
end of August and the beginning of September. You ask, gentle- 
men, why so late? The answer is very simple. During the va- 
cation the leaders were scattered, and as soon as the vacation 
was over they could come together to discuss the situation and 
to take proper steps before the administrative authorities. The 
more so as we have heard rumors that the government was about 
to apply severe measures, but the "Eastern Fair," which was then 
held in Lviv, made the government put ofif the use of severe meas- 
ures for the period aftr September 15th, in view of the presence 
of foreigners in the country. 

We intervened first with the local authorities; the proof there- 
of are our delegations with the voyvodas of Lviv and Tarnopol. We 
presented this condition to these officers, called their attention 
to the fact that nothing is done to stop arsons, that the Polish 
government tolerates Polish press comments calling to "revanche" 


against Ukrainians. The voyvoda of Lviv, when deputy Tsele- 
vych visited him, demanded from us a condemnation of the cam- 
paign of arsons. Although we expHcitly stated that we have no 
connection with any illegal activities, we said we would take this 
under advisement and would propose the matter to the party. 
We pointed out that by condemning the Ukrainian side, the role of 
which is not proved, we would have to condemn also the acts of 
the polish side, and also those acts of the government authorities 
which instead of helping the situation make it still worse and 
more difficult. 

There began in the articles of the "Dilo," the "Novy Czas" 
and other Ukrainian newspapers a campaign against arsons. Fi- 
nally there was issued an appeal of the three Ukrainian parties, 
of the Ukrainian Democratic Union (UNDO), the Radicals and the 
Socialists, in which they clearly and explicitly condemned arsons 
and denied all the responsibility on their part as well as on the 
part of the organized Ukrainian public, for all the acts of unknown 

And in spite of this there came to us the first horrible news 
of the pacification. We had to intervene in Warsaw. In the 
delegation there took part myself, besides me. Dr. Dmytro Levyt- 
sky, the chairman of the UNDO, who already had been once in 
Warsaw with the Minister of the Interior, and once with the voy- 
voda of Lviv. When we came to Warsaw the first time, we were 
convinced that the form in which the pacification had been car- 
ried out was not only not dictated by Warsaw, but even was 
unknown to it, being merely excesses of the local organs. We 
were sure that we would not only gain access but also an order 
that pacification should be discontinued, and in its place another 
order would be issued in the common interest of the two races, 
namely, the order to look for the guilty persons and to punish 
them no matter who they were. It must be admitted that we heard 
that we received each time an assurance that pacification is about 
to end or has already been stopped. Some doubts were voiced 
as to the information brought by us, and in one place in Lviv we 
were told that the events are rather grotesque, but not an abuse 
by the authorities. At any rate we left with a kind of consola- 
tion that the horrible process of pacification would end. 

Besides the political leaders Metropolitan Sheptysky took 
upon himself the difficult task of intervention, dictated by the deep 
and sincere wish to serve by his influence and dignity, the aim of 
pacification and appeasement of the situation. After his first in- 



tervention with Minister Skladkowski he was under the impres- 
sion that his intervention would be crowned with success. That 
this was his inward conviction is proved by his interview which he 
pubhshed the very same day in one of the Warsaw papers. But 
what was his astonishment when the intercession of Metropolitan 
Sheptytsky was met with calumniatory attacks against his per- 
son by semi-official circles and semi-official press. And still he 
did not stop in his work and continued it as he understood it to 
be his duty, irrespective of how it was accepted. 

In the meanwhile pacification proceeded. It lasted not one 
day, not even one week, but fully three months. It embraced 
not one locality, but the territory of whole districts and prov- 

{Some 14 lines of the speech suppressed by the censor. — Ed.) 

When the deputy who made the report has devoted so much 
time to the characterization of the conditions and depicted so 
long the idyl in which the Polish and the Ukrainian people live, 
then he would have settled the pacification and our entire motion 
by a few words, adding in his motivation that the facts given by 
us in our motivation are inexact, or even untrue. We must state 
beforehand that all the facts presented by us are absolutely true, 
although they may appear to be hard to believe. And they are 
true for two reasons : 

(23 lines of the speech suppressed by the Polish censor. — Ed.) 

It is another problem when we speak of the exactness of the 
data. They may be said to be inexact in the respect that the 
material here collected is by far not complete, both as to its mass 
and as to its intensity. 

We have prepared something of a summary out of the ma- 
terials, of all the reports and minutes collected. We have done 
this in order to ward off all the charges of exaggeration, although 
the Ukrainian peasant has simply iron strength and is able to 
stand things which nobody else has the power to stand. The 
materials are inexact also because the collection of the materials 
met with simply unbelievable obstacles and difficulties. The audi- 
tors of the Auditing Union of the Ukrainian Cooperatives were 
flogged (e. g. at Shyshkivtsi, district of Horodenka) ; lawyers to 
whom appeals were made for advice and counsel, were arrested 
on the charge of economic espionage, as this was the case, among 
other cases, in the city of Tarnopol. A classical example of this 
was the arrest of Dr. Selezinka, lawyer of Radekhiv, and his wife. 
All the collection of facts has become a crime. On this back- 
ground there were arrested many persons in the city of Lviv; even 


correspondents of foreign newspapers were detained. We under- 
stand the uneasiness of the government in view of the interest of 
the foreigners in the events in Poland. But the fault lies with 
the authors of the affair. We did not call foreign correspondents. 
They came to us themselves. I think that it would not have been 
better if we had denied them all the information as then they 
would write that we are afraid of reprisals. The government 
authorities also took advantage of the fact that some foreign 
correspondents appealed to us. Many a foreign delegate came of 
himself to destroy the traces of pacification. When in some local- 
ities near Lviv (Vynnyky, Hayi, Pidberiztsi, and others) a govern- 
ment visit was to be held, the police prepared the ground before- 
hand, ordering the people to set the reading-room in order as soon 
as possible. When the people refused passively they threatened 
the people, and in some cases really beat them up (to compel them 
to do as bidden). I can hear, gentlemen, from your laugh that you 
are astonished that such a destruction could be fixed so quickly. 
It is a simple matter. Everything that was destroyed, torn as 
for instance books, were removed or burnt, panes were replaced, 
doors, shelves fixed, floors were set in order by the effort of the 
victims themselves. And that there were such destructions, here 
I have a few photographs. Two of them represent the branches 
in Tarnopol, one a reading-room in Kryvenke, district of Husyatyn. 
And finally what can be more painful for a cultural institution that 
the destruction of its most beautiful property, its pride, such as its 
library? That the traces of the destruction still exist let it be 
attested by the fact that the supreme officer of the district of Sokal 
issued on January 1, 1931, a circular to all the reading-rooms of 
the district to replace the windows in the reading-rooms and to 
bring them back to order, under the punishment of 100 zlotys. 

It is quite self-evident that there could have happened in the 
press such examples of inexactness as the obituary of Rev. 
Mandziy, of the parish of Bohatkivtsi, district of Pidhaytsi, which 
was published in the "Dilo." The horrors which took place threw 
upon everything such a dose of plausibility that a fact of death did 
not astonish anybody. This however, gives nobody a moral right, 
neither the deputy who made the report, anybody else to question 
facts in our motion, or to go so far as to call everything written 
there a falsehood. 

Quite the contrary, one should state that the deputy who made 
the report repeated the same thing several times in his enumeration 
of the acts of sabatoges, that fires which were marked down by the 
police as resulting from carelessness he attributed to sabotagists. 


This will be answered by my colleague. And it simply is hard to be- 
lieve that the deputy who made the report should so calmly state 
that pacification has caused no deaths. Here are a few facts. In 
the village of Hayi there died as a result of flogging Michael 
Tiutko; in the hospital of Lviv there died as a result of floggings 
Stephen Kitsera, of Kotsuriv, district of Bibrka. In the village of 
Vasyuchyn the police killed shepherd Michael Movchan. The shots 
were fired when the people were fleeing before the soldiers of the 
expedition into the forest. 

It is also a characteristic fact that the number of criminal 
facts stands in no proportion to those who are detained in prisons 
nor to the amount of compromising materials. Out of the 
thousands who were arrested there remain in the jails only a small 
number. No trials were held so far and we are still waiting for 
them. The compromising literature was planted, and all the rifles, 
bayonets, are nothing else than useless material which wallows 
about everywhere as remnants of a great war. And those bombs 
of American origin which were found in the attic of the Ukrainian 
Gymnasium in Rohatyn, surely had nothing in common with the 
gymnasium, its pupils, or its teachers. It was not found during 
the first very thorough search which was made in the building, and 
during which the building was searched from its foundations to 
the roof, but only several days later. One of the police, without 
thinking much, stepped over to the old stove in the attic and 
produced out of it the bomb. 

If we are talking of the searches, let me already state the 
fact that we have here two searches. The first of them was a real 
search, but it has nothing in common with the legal act of the 
same name. . . The second search is contrary to the provisions 
of the Polish Constitution which in its Art. 98 explicitly speaks 
of the treatment of citizens even if they were greatest criminals. 

(Again a dozen lines deleted by the censor. The portion evidently 
contains the deputy's criticism of the manner in ufjoich searches are made 
in Poland and in which the police, during such searches, plant incriminating 
evidence to find it at another search to follow. — Ed.) 

I could perhaps understand the destruction of property, not 
only of individuals, but also of institutions, as I try, even if this 
surpasses my powers, to treat the events of pacification with 
great calmness, but when I recall the whipping of people, when 
I stop to consider the horrible sum of many hundreds of flogged 
people, — I am speaking moderately : hundreds of flogged people, 
our best people, prominent public men, presidents and members 


of the executive bodies of various cultural, economic, educational 
institutions, when I think of them subjected to the most humiliat- 
ing punishment of all, then I w^ill say frankly that here all poise 
comes to an end. So far I have calmly stood for various derisive 
remarks made by the majority on the pacification. In this case, 
however, I fail to understand their laughter. It seems to me that 
if such a hand touched me I would do all in my power to see that 
the perpetrator of such a flogging should come a corpse out of 
this situation, no matter who he is. 

In addition to the materials presented by us in our motion, 
we are receiving day after day new ones, more fully provided with 
signatures, which we will present to the Minister. Here, however, 
I will quote one of the very characteristic letters, written by Mr. 
Nakonechny of the village of Krive, an old man, a retired govern- 
ment official, a peaceful social worker. He was whipped, then 
arrested, and so was his wife, a Polish woman, nee Grabowska, of 
Kenty, near Biala, who had not broken relations with her race. 
The letter describes, day by day, what both the Nakonechnys have 
passed through. Many people are mentioned in it, the letter ends 
with the request that, in my report to the government I should 
omit the names of two persons, for fear lest a personal revenge 
should reach them. 

But you would be very much mistaken if you were to think 
that pacification has been concluded. Wild instincts once given 
free reign cannot so easily be subdued. In the village of Juryn in 
the district of Chortkiv, the members of the "Strzelec" attacked 
during the Christmas holidays the local reading room, summoned 
assistance of the members of the "Strzelec" of Slobidka Jur. and 
the assaults of the peaceful members of the reading-room were 
conducted. . . . When a few days later some one broke the windows 
of a member of the "Strzelec" of Juryn, a raid was made upon 
the reading-room, its members were flogged, one of them was 
flogged severely and was driven, on the following day, to the 
prison in the town of Chortkiv. In the meantime, the investigation 
proved that the windows of the "Strzelec" of Juryn had been 
broken by his own comrades from the neighboring village of 

And that the "Strzelec" amuse themselves with impunity, of 
this they speak in the open, and every day brings us forever newer 
and newer data of the "idyllic" relations between the two faces 
in the sphere of public and private, cultural and economic life. 

The present pacification refers primarily to the manifestations 
of the cultural life of the people. From the very first day of the 


pacification all the Ukrainian institutions were disliked by those 
who conducted pacification. Upon the members of the institutions 
demands were made to dissolve "voluntarily" the institutions by 
the vote of the members themselves. We have a long series of 
documents which attest to the veracity of our words in this respect. 
We have decisions of the executive boards, we have reports of the 
police posts about the "voluntary" dissolution of reading-rooms 
and other organizations. In one case we have a detailed descrip- 
tion how, starting with October 2, 1930, the police post of Zolot- 
nyky, day after day, to the very first days of the month of Decem- 
ber harrassed the members of the executive board of the reading- 
room to force them to call together the general meeting of the 
reading-room and dissolve it. After all the members of the board 
had resigned their offices, the commandant of the police post him- 
self composed a notice of the general meeting to be held, giving 
the order of the day for the meetings, and threatening that he 
would call the members to it by force. 

The chairman calls to my attention that my time is up. In 
view, of this I have to conclude, though it would need twice as 
much time to say everything that one has to say in order to take 
into view the horror of the pacification in its entirity. It would 
take at least ten hours to describe all the cases in full, to exhaust 
all the modest material which we have on hand. 

I must add a few words to support our motion. In the words 
of the Minister and the deputy who made the report there was 
evident the thought that a curtain should be drawn over the events 
of the pacification and that we should try to find enough peace 
so as to be able to seek plans by which we could come to an un- 
derstanding and to ordering of the mutual relations of co-existence 
of the two races. One could have nothing against such a thought. 
But a prerequisite of all such plans must be in the first place the 
settlement of all such questions as those concerning the period 
preceding and connected with, the pacification. There must be a 
verification of the facts, there must be also some moral and ma- 
terial satisfaction given us for all the damages done to the Ukrain- 
ian people and their cultural, educational and economic life. 

The assurance alone by the authorities that the investigation 
is being conducted is not enough for us. When our representations 
so far have not found a hearing and understanding, when even 
the Memorandum of the dated November 15, 1930, was not con- 
sidered worthy of a reply, then also the assurances that the in- 
vestigation is being conducted, without the Parliament making it 
obligatory upon the goverment to conduct such an investigation 


and giving a report of it, would be merely a common shelving of 
the matter. Should we leave this matter in such a state as proposed 
by the deputy who made the report, then we will have to return 
to it forever as to an unsettled bill. Here to the full chalice of 
suffering was added another bloody drop which passed already 
beyond the brim. This would be merely a continuation of the 
abnormal state, which will merely feed the existing unrest. We 
know that this is to a degree unpleasant to the government. But 
no matter how unpleasant this duty would be, it is better to look 
at the situation with open eyes than with closed eyes. 

Any other attitude would be detrimental from the standpoint 
of the reason of State, which the majority defend so heatedly. 
The essence of our motion is justified in every respect, and its 
consummation is dictated above all doubts by the reasons of state. 

The "Novy Chas" and "Dilo", Lviv, January 1931. 



Besides the Brest affair and the problem of elections there is 
still another matter which puts its indelible stamp both upon the 
sessions of the Houses and their various committees, and this is 
the "pacification" of Eastern Galicia. 

The very first speeches of the Ukrainian and Polish Opposition 
members, especially during the debate on the budget of the Min- 
istry of the Interior, have depicted properly the horrors of the 
"pacification." Lately this matter was the center of attraction 
during the meetings of the Administrative Committee of the Sejm, 
which was held on January 20. 

The organization and conduct of the meetings is today com- 
pletely in the hands of the majority, which takes a full advantage 
of all the prerogatives of leadership, pushing this advantage beyond 
the limits of decency. They render the position of the Opposition 
still more difficult than it is, with the special purpose in mind of 
reducing the immense problem to something small, if not com- 
pletely trifling. 

With this purpose in view, the problem of "pacification" was 
scheduled for the consideration of the Committee without a pre- 
vious session having been held first for the purpose of naming the 
member who would have to make a report. The deputy who was 
to bring the report was appointed beforehand, by the chairman 


of the Committee, Mr. Polakewicz appointing Deputy Stronski, 
of the B.B. The business of the day became known to the mem- 
bers of the Opposition groups only before the very meeting, and 
the text of the Ukrainian Club's motion was not distributed. Only 
thanks to the preparedness of the Ukrainian deputies as well to 
their activities aiming at a thorough discussion of the matter 
especially with the members of the Polish Opposition, the Op- 
position within the Committee was not taken by a surprise but 
came prepared to defend their, positions. 

That the Ukrainian motion would not win a majority, was 
foreseen, though it could be supposed that for the sake of decency 
itself the second portion of the motion would be passed in which 
the government was appealed to inquire into the matter, to punish 
those guilty of excesses, to ascertain damages and to pay for 
them and to report on those activities to the Sejm. 

It is also interesting that the Government treated the affair 
contemptuously. Minister Skladkowski excused himself with per- 
sonal causes from coming to the meeting; he pleaded the lack of 
time, besides he had already given minute explanations to the 
Budget Cornmittee. The further conduct of the meeting con- 
sisted of such a distribution of lights and shadows as to create 
in the majority the necessary impression. Fair play demanded 
that the chair gives the floor to the members in the order in which 
they applied for the privilege, or, if the chairman wanted to take 
advantage of the right to set the order of the speakers, he should 
at least allow the second Ukrainian speaker to have the floor 
directly before the member who had brought the report and who 
was to be the last speaker. In such a case the Ukrainian speaker 
could at least declare himself as to the greater number of the facts 
alleged by the pro-government deputies. The chair, however, 
heaped all the Ukrainian and Polish Opposition speakers into one 
group and all the "heavy guns" of the pro-government party were 
brought into the action at the end of the session. 

Among the heavy cannons there was brought Bachynsky, a 
deputy of the B.B. group, a "Russian," once notorious commissar 
of the National Home, who now delivered the most scandalous 
speech equal of which could not have been delivered by the worst 
enemy of the Ukrainian people. To be sure, all the speakers of 
the B.B. and Rev. Shydelski, of the Christian Deniocarts, attacked 
the Ukrainian deputies, the Ukrainian leaders, airing a great many 
invented charges, but they did not attack the people themselves, 
their history or their efforts. Terroristic and revolutionary ac- 
tivities they characterized in various ways, some even calling it 


bought crimes, but the race itself was not attacked. What is 
sacred to the Ukrainian race was contemned only by a hireling, 
who was openly a Russian menial, now a Polish menial, calling 
himself a "Russian," and masking behind the screen of loyalty. 
One could observe on the faces of Polish deputies disgust. Even 
some of the B.B. group drooped their eyes, as if ashamed to take 
upon their own account this degenerated brood. Still some were 
found who applauded the hireling. 

The B.B. Club as a whole took the stand that all the reports 
of the events were not true, and that if there were any abuses 
they were excused by the requirements (of the pacification). Al- 
legations about Berlin and money from Berlin were not missing 
either. Deputy Kleszcynski glorified the flogging and threatened 
that the iron hand would continue to be used, and Rev. Szydelski, 
of the Christian Democracy, started his smart speech with Chris- 
tian virtues, but placed all the responsibility for the events upon 
the shoulders of the Ukrainian public, alleging among other things 
that the Polish people live in a continuous fear of the Ukrainian 
terror and the Polish government supports nobody but the Ukra- 
inians. And here he again mentioned Berlin. 

A special portion of abuse was directed against Metropolitan 
Sheptytsky (by Deputy Kleszczynski), Bishop Buchko and a great 
portion of the Ukrainian clergy (Deputy Baczynski). 

Amidst such organization of the debates the role of the 
Ukrainian deputies is difficult, indeed. M. Halushchynsky spoke 
immediately after the deputy who presented the report. It was 
really he who presented the case, in his speech of one hour and a 
half. The second speaker. Deputy KUZYK, supplemented the 
speech of the preceding speaker and corrected the false data pre- 
sented by the deputy who gave the report, throwing a great deal of 
light upon the method with which the police conducted the inquiry, 
which he had opportunity to observe with his own eyes. 

Very interesting was also the stand taken by Deputy RYMAR, 
a Polish National Democrat. In his opinion, the "pacification" is 
an important matter as it is written and spoken about by the 
entire world. Especially painful are the comments of the Catholic 
press, which reprinted Bishop Buchkos's letter. This voice 
hurts the PoHsh Nation's prestige. The deputy thinks that 
every citizen has the right to point out concrete facts of the 
violation of laws 'and to demand that the government verify what 
is the true state of affairs and punish the guilty ones. When the 
Ukrainian Club makes such a motion, it is the duty of deputies 
to support such a demand in their own interest and in the interest 


of the State. The speaker's Club will vote for the second part of 
the Ukrainian motion as one being in accord with the law and 

The speeches of the Socialist deputies CIOLKOSZ and 
GRECZNAROWSKI are especially commendable. The former em- 
phasized the great ideals of the Ukrainian people and noted what 
difficulties they have on the road towards the realization of their 
ideals. He emphasized the fact that the present majority of the 
Polish Parliament have no plan, even no program for the solution 
of the Polish-Ukrainian problem, one of the most important ques- 
tions of the Polish Nation. By means of statistical and similar 
data he illustrated the exceedingly difficult position of the Ukrain- 
ian people. He declared that the two races would reach an 
understanding over the heads of the Parliamentary majority and 
would introduce the program of his party, which is the program 
of territorial autonomy. 

DEPUTY GRECZNAROWSKI read the strongest passages 
of the Ukrainian motion and in this way supported the necessity 
of voting in its favor. 

In vote the motion of the deputy who presented the report 
was accepted, 18 deputies voting for it (the members of the B.B. 
and Rev. Szydelski, of the Christian Democracy). The Ukrainian 
motion was thus rejected, 6 deputies voting for it. For the mo- 
tion voted, besides the Ukrainians, the members of the Polish 
Socialist Party and the (Polish) National Labor Party; the (Po- 
lish) National Club refrained from voting. Deputy Halushchynsky 
offered the Ukrainian motion as the motion of the minority. 

In his conclusive correction Deputy Halushchynsky resolutely 
refuted the charge that the Ukrainian political and cultural life 
rested upon Berlin money, or received any money from that source. 
"Dilo," Lviv, January 25, 1931. 

(Mr. Bachynsky is not a Ukrainian in spirit. No matter what his origin, 
he has never taken part in the national movement which he noiv claims to 
represent. In fact, he has always opposed it, considering himself not a 
Ukrainian. When Tsarist Russia ruled Volhynia, he considered himself a 
Russian, now since the Polish occupation of the country, he considers him- 
self a "Ruthenian," which would be something like a 7nan of Ukrainian 
origin with no aspirations for his race. Naturally, he would not care for 
the cultural or economic development of the race. Still less does he care 
for the political organization of the race. Of course, he could not have been 
elected by a free vote of the Ukrainian people. He was nominated to run 
in the pro-government party, and his election tvas "made" by the govern- 
ment in the usual way in u/hich the elections of other men of that party 


were made, which is by frauds and terror practiced upon those whom he 
now claims to represent. 

That the government should have any connection with such characters 
may appear strange, hut it is nothing unusual in Poland, as the Warsaw 
correspondent of the "Manchester Guardian" testified, when describing the 
methods of "making" elections in the German provinces of Poland. The 
services which the Polish government obtains from characters of this kind 
are illustrated by the above speech by Mr. Bachynsky. He claims not only 
to belong to the race with which he had claimed to have nothing in com- 
mon, but also to be a representative of it, nay, the only true representative 
of it. The Polish Ukrainophobe and pro- government press bears him out 
in that claim, — as if it were their business to decide who is the representative 
of the Ukrainian people, — and the Polish offices of foreign propaganda had 
announced him and his like long ago as representatives of the Ukrainian 
minority in Poland. The "Manchester Guardian," November 19, 1930, 
reported that the Polish Press Bureau in London issued a statement on the 
recent Polish elections, in which it advertises before hand these new depu- 
ties as a Polish promise to eliminate the regular Ukrainian leaders as a 
political factor in Ukraine, "The Ukrainian Nationalists have lost the monop- 
oly of representing the interests of the Ukrainian minority as opposed to 
the interests of the Polish State." 

It would be profitable for the reader to observe how Mr. Bachynsky 
represents the Ukrainian national movement. He denounces it. There is 
simply no misfortune of Galicia that he does not blame upon the Ukrainian 
movement. The Ukrainians made the people to war against the Poles, thus 
killing many thousands of persons. It was the Ukrainian leaders who were 
at fault for the Austrian persecutions of the Ukrainians, for which the Ukrain- 
ian leaders suffered with others. The Ukrainians conducted a "pacification" 
of Galicia, in 1918. The peasantry are duped by them into believing that 
the Ukrainian Military Organization can do everything. The Ukrainian 
clergy are Ukrainian chauvinists, who drive away from churches those loyal 
to Poland, and such similar stories. 

He goes even further. He denies the very existence of the Ukrainian 
national movement. He says that only a portion of the "Ruthenians" in 
Galicia have adopted the term of the "Ukrainians" . He knows nothing of 
the war of the Ukrainians for their national independence, though of this 
war the Poles themselves have many things to tell. He thinks that Galicia 
did not care for independent Ukraine, but to be united with Poland. All 
the war, Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918-1920, was an Austrian intrigue, 
though as a matter of fact, whenever Austria had power to intrigue, she 
preferred to intrigue with the Poles rather than with the Ukrainians. That 
an unemployed Hapsburg might have had cast his eye upon the Ukrainian 
throne, is not argument against the Ukrainian movement, not more than 
the fact that another Hapsburg laid claim to the Polish crown. 


Poland might derive some momentary benefits from such an incident 
as that of having a supposed Ukrainian deputy denounce the Ukrainian 
natioyial movement. But what are the more lasting ejects of the employ- 
ment of such men by the government? Is the cause of peaceful co- habita- 
tion of the Polish and the non-Polish races, which is proclaimed by the 
Polish government to be its chief care, advanced by such a policy? The 
irritation of the "Dilo's" correspondent when writing the above report gives 
us a hint of the consequences. And not everybody has the chance to vent 
his irritation in print. There were cases in which some Ukrainians settled 
the matter by killing such "leaders' . This, one may condemn as an act of 
violence, but violence begins with the Polish government electing such men 
by means of frauds and terror and then saddling them, before the whole 
world, upon the Ukrainians as their representatives or leaders. After such 
a revolutionary act the government is unable to secure more such "leaders" , 
— being in politics for benefits they are easily scared, — unless it may look 
for them in a more backward province, — and in the meanwhile it complains 
to the world that the Ukrainians terrorize those sober politicians who want 
to make peace with the Polish State. Such men have no conciliation between 
Poland and the Ukrainians in mind, nor for that matter has Poland, which 
whenever it wishes to speak with the real Ukrainian representatives brushes 
aside its own creatures to speak with those whom it had set its creatures to 
denounce. Of course, then it will find its chances of conciliation gredtly 
diminished, among other things, by the employment of such men for the 
purpose of denouncing the regular movement. — Ed.") 



The Administrative Committee of the Sejm debated, on Jan- 
uary 28, the motion of the Ukrainian Club on the "Pacification" of 
Eastern Galicia. 

The report before the Committee was made by Senator Rolle, 
of the B.B. He said that it can be confirmed already today that 
the main author of the "pacification" was the Ukrainian Military 
Organization. If the Ukrainian intellectuals led by Metropolitan 
Sheptytsky had taken a clear stand on the sabotages, there would 
have been no sabotages and hence also no pacification. 

There is no hatred in Eastern Galicia of the "Ruthenian" peo- 
ple (on the part of the Poles), quite the contrary, there is a ten- 
dency afoot twards cooperation. As the Ukrainian parties do 
not know how to emancipate themselves from demagogy, the 
Polish public, and especially the pro-government camp, will try to 
find an understanding with the "Ruthenian" people above the heads 
of the Ukrainian leaders. 


Senator Rolle made the motion: THE SENATE RECOG- 

SENATOR MAKUKH (Ukrainian Radical) in a long speech 
quoted a whole series of abuses. He made the following motion : 

SENATOR KLUSZYNSKA, of the Polish Socialist Party, and 
SENATOR WOZNICKI, of the Polish Peasant Club, seconded the 

SENATOR GLOMBINSKI, of the National Club, declared that 
his club recognizes the motion of the Ukrainian Club to be a just 
one, but in view of the fact that the Ukrainian Club has already 
appealed in this matter to Geneva, the Senator is of the opinion- 
that he had better not discuss the matter (in the Polish Parlia- 
ment) as this would be equivalent to discussing the same matter 
in two tribunals. 

SENATOR ROLLE in his final speech declared that the mate- 
rial which was added to the Ukrainian Club's motion, would be 
presented by him to Minister Skladkowski. 


"Dilo", Lviv, January 30, 1931. 

{The contents of the two motions are significant. The motion of the 
pro- government group on the "pacification" states an opinion, the Ukrainian 
motion would order the government to investigate first the facts. The pro- 
government motion without inquiry whitewashes the government and blames 
the wholesale reprisals of the population upon the victims. 

It is also significant that a certain number of Polish Opposition senators 
recognized the justice of the Ukrainian demand. It is still more significant that 


one of those to recognize this was Senator Glombinski, one of the leaders 
of the Polish National-Democrats of Galicia and one of the most persistent 

His motives for keeping away from discussing the matter in the Polish 
Parliament is noteworthy. The Ukrainians knew that they could not expect 
to carry the Ukrainian motion, either in the Committee or in the House. 
The steam-roller of the pro-government majority will crush every Ukrainian 
motion, no matter how modest or how just. As the Parliament is the last 
ditch of the victims of the "pacification," the defeat of the Ukrainian 
motions is simply equal to depriving the victims of all the chances not only 
to have their damages remunerated, but even to have the facts investigated. 
The Polish Opposition knows that, too, and yet Mr. Glombinski would not 
vote for the motion to have the "pacification" investigated once the Ukra- 
inians have brought the matter before the League of Nations. He disregards 
the fact that that new appeal was made necessary just because all the Polish 
"tribunals," the Polish administration in the strict sense, Polish courts, and 
the Polish Parliament, have rejected the Ukrainian motions to have the 
matter investigated. Hence Mr. Glombinski's motion has to be viewed as 
nothing else but a pressure brought about upon the Ukrainians to resign 
their rights of having their grievances heard at least in an international 
tribunal, if no tribunal at home cared to hear them. — Ed.) 



The debates of the Senate were followed yesterday at once 
by the debates of the Sejm. The order of the day embraced 
twenty questions which were headed by the important political 
question of the "pacification" of Eastern Little Poland. ... In 
spite of the fact that there was collected about the pacification of 
Eastern Little Poland a mass of materials unknown in the history 
of the Polish Parliament, the Sejm discussed the matter very thor- 
oughly and about the midnight passed over to the debates on the 
Brest affair. . . . 

The matter was reported to the Sejm by DEPUTY ZDZIS- 
LAW STRONSKI, of the B.B., who remarked at the very outset 
.that the Administration Committee could not take into consider- 
ation only the materials presented in the motion of the Ukrainian 
deputies, as this comprised only a portion of the events which had 
taken place in Eastern Little Poland. The LTkrainian motion, the 
speaker said, speaks only of the consequences, and omits by silence 
the causes which moved the Government to issue protective orders. 


Because the Ukrainian deputies cannot be charged with not know- 
ing or overlooking the facts, it is apparent that they were not 
interested in a full elucidation of the problem. Nor were they 
interested in the assurance of peace in those provinces, since every- 
body who knows the conditions of those provinces knows also that 
there exists at present peace and that the life of the Ukrainian 
population runs normally. We must therefore consider the motion 
of the Ukrainian deputies to be an act of the nature of a political 

The speaker argues for a long time to prove that it is not 
the Polish population who is at fault for the strained relations 
in Little Poland, but the leaders of the Ukrainian political organ- 
izations. The development of Ukrainian cultural and economic 
institutions attests best to the fact that there was no oppression 
of the Ukrainian people. Thanks to the assistance of some Polish 
parties the Ruthenians entered also the autonomous bodies of 
"Czerven provinces". The organization which goes against the 
peaceful co-habitation of the two races is the Ukrainian Military 
Organization, with the home-office in Berlin, which is diligently 
supported by certain Ukrainian groups. This organization is re- 
sponsible for a whole series of murderous attempts against prom- 
inent public men, not only Polish, but also Ukrainian, who prop- 
agated the slogans of conciliation. In this organization converge 
also threads of great spy affairs. It sfarted the campaign of 
sabotages and arsons, which had assumed gigantic proportions last 
summer. Here the speaker reads from a manuscript a tabulation 
of the arsons, attempts against railroads and telephones. These 
attempts were carried out systematically for two months. The 
Ukrainian political circles kept silent, the clergy also kept silent, 
and the "Dilo" even published an article in which it apotheosized 
the campaign of sabotages. The Polish people came close to 
starting a campaign of their own, but this was prevented. The 
Government started the pacification, with the following results : 
there were taken from the people 1,287 rifles, 292 shot-guns, 566 
revolvers, 398 bayonets, 46 daggers, 47 sabres, 1,000 kg. of explo- 
sives; several wagons were used to cart the war materials. 

At present, the speaker assures, there reigns peace in Little 
Poland, which is a proof that the pacification was effective. The 
speaker concludes by making a motion to reject the Ukrainian 
motion and to accept the motion of the Committee. of the follow- 
ing contents : 

"The Sejm recognizes that the orders of the Government in the three eastern 
provinces issued with the purpose of insuring for the entire population of these 
provinces a protection of life and property as well as of property of the gov- 


ernmental institutions from the criminal acts which had taken place in the 
territory were motivated and necessary. All the material presented as motiva- 
tion for the motion, is to be handed over to the Minister of the Interior." 

During the debate that followed, Deputy Dr. BARAN, the 
representative of the Ukrainian Club, delivered a speech which 
lasted one hour and a half. He argued that the pacification did 
not embrace 16 districts, but a territory much larger, or about 
50,000 square kilometers. According to the speaker, the initiator 
of the pacification was Mr. Nakoniecznikow, the voyvoda of Lviv 
province. The speaker described the method in which the pacifi- 
cation was carried out in Ukrainian villages and quotes a long 
series of alleged facts of flogging, maltreatment, destruction of 
cultural institutions, forcing the people to sing songs slandering 
Ukraine. He expresses the opinion that if the pacification had 
been stopped at the very outset the events would have taken a 
different turn. All these data were brought to the knowledge of 
administrative authorities, local as well as central, at Warsaw, but 
the authorities refused to start any investigation, and the Ukrain- 
ian delegations were refused admission by the Premier of the 
Polish Cabinet of Ministers, and by Minister (of the Interior) 
Skladkowski. Nor did the intervention of the Metropolitan bring 
any results. 

The speakers requests the Sejm to accept the motion of the 
Ukrainian Club, which strives to ascertain the facts. 

With a great temperament spoke Deputy DUBOIS, of the 
Polish Socialist Party, whose arguments provoked frequently pro- 
tests from the benches of the members of the B.B. Club. The 
speaker charged the pro-government majority with treating the 
matter with absolute cynicism. In the name of the Polish Social- 
ist Club he declares himself in favor of the Ukrainian motion, 
emphasizing this to be in the interest of Poland accused before 
the rest of the world. The deputy of the pro-government group, 
who reported the matter to the Sejm, is guilty of one-sided pre- 
sentation of the matter. He condemns the excesses and calls at- 
tention to the fact that we have witnessed a quite original admin- 
istration of justice. If the Government is in possession of the 
proofs of the guilt on the side of certain persons, they should 
be punished, but the principle of collective responsibility should 
not be applied to them, without inquiry and trial. The represen- 
tative of the majority argued in favor of the pacification by point- 
ing out that the government had no other way out. If the power- 
ful Dictatorship government had no other methods to punish the 
guilty ones in a normal way, then it is weak and should resign. 
The speaker reminds Deputy Holowko his own old stand according 


to which racial problems cannot be solved by police methods. 
Though the speaker attacks the ideology of the (Polish) National 
Democrats, still, he declares, in the period of the National Demo- 
cratic Administration the conditions were much better: there 
reigned, to be sure, nationalism, but the law was in power. 

I am interested in the Brest affair, the speaker declares, pri- 
marily in the question. Did they flog or not? That is the question 
I asked in the Brest affair. And this is the question I direct at 
Minister Skladkowski, Were tortures applied in the pacification? 
And I will ask this question so long until the whole history of 
the pacification will be revealed. (Applause of the Opposition.) 

DEPUTY ROG, of the Parliamentary Club of Peasant Depu- 
ties, stands on the principle of wholeness and unity of the State as 
well as peaceful co-existence and cooperation of all the races. He 
recognizes the equal rights of all the citizens and their activity 
guaranteed by the Polish constitution and contained in the above 
principle. His Club understands that the State cannot tolerate 
activities that tend to threaten the interests of the State, but the 
actual culprits should be the only ones called to responsibility. 
The Club cannot recognize as proper to call whole com- 
munes or whole social groups or whole races to answer collectively 
for the crimes committed by individuals belonging to the groups. 
At any rate the Club condemns the application of mass reprisals 
by police and soldiers. Nor can it approve of the excesses of the 
individual organs of the police or the army. Therefore, without 
passing a premature judgment of the reports about the facts, 
given by the Ukrainian Club, his Club will vote for the motion 
which has for its purpose the investigation of the affair and the 
punishment of the organs which have been guilty of punishable 
excesses towards innocent people. 

Then the floor was taken by GENERAL SKLADKOWSKI, 
the Minister of the Interior.* He declared in the name of the 

* {The post of the Minister of the Interior is not the only one in the 
Polish cabinet to be occupied by a soldier. On December 7, 1930, the press 
in Poland reported the new cabinet of ministers usually under the following 
AND 5 COLONELS." Indeed, they said, only 5 persons, out of the 14 
members of the cabinet, were "civilians." 

The press interpreted this as a "radicalization of the program of strong 
hand."— Ed.) 



Government that the entire pacification had its causes, its course 
and its consequences. The causes of it were sabotages, which 
lasted more than two months, which the Government tried to 
prevent by local methods, but could not in view of their tre- 
mendous spread and in view of the fact that they were supported 
by the activity of the staff of the Ukrainian Military Organization. 
Those activities were supported from abroad. The gentlemen 
from the Opposition who combat the nationalism at the same time 
support the nationalism of the Ukrainians, sneer at the impotence 
of the Government to put an end to the sabotages, but a strong 
Government faced here a strongly subsidized movement. And the 
strong Government had to choose between proclaiming the martial 
law, which would have resulted in shooting down people, and 
attempting to use the police school of Mosty Wielkie. The Gov- 
ernment chose the latter method as one that is a humanitarian 

An interruption, "And what about the photograpns?" 
The Minister, Photographs are being manufactured by who- 
ever only wants to do it. (Applause by the B.B.) I do not want 
to state that all the photographs are gorgeries. I state that the 
orders of the Government had for their purpose to remove, by 
means of mass expeditions of police and soldiers, the terror from 
the people who dared not to report to the Government of any acts 
of sabotage because the terrorists were so strong that for several 
weeks it was they who ruled and not the Government. Those 
terrorists were strong and well provided with money from abroad 
and strong methods were needed. Judicial investigations are in 
progress. I state firmly that the Government takes the stand 
of equal rights for all the citizens without regard to their religion 
and race. (Applauses of the B.B. Deputy Zahaykevych, "Only 
in theory.") Standing on the principle of equality, we also stand 
on the principle of equal responsibility. Because the acts were 
committed by the Ukrainians, should not be the reason why we 
should let them pass unpunished. If the Poles had done this, the 
Government would have to use equally radical measures. Sabot- 
ages had for their purpose to bring discord among the peaceful 
Ukrainian people, towards whom the Government takes the stand 
of benovelence, punishing only those who incite those people. 
The Government is obliged to assure peace and safety to all citi- 
zens. I state firmly that the peace in Little Poland and the har- 
monious cooperation aren't yet ideal, but it is better than what it 
was before the pacification. Those who committed sabotages, 
were just concerned about causing quarrels between the Ukrain- 


ians and the Poles. They attained consequences which are fatal 
to them. The Ukrainian people have realized who incites them 
to struggle and now they believe that the Polish Government 
wishes to protect the people. 

The Minister reads documents referring to the activities of 
the Ukrainian Nationalist Organization, namely the instructions to 
all the branches of the organization abroad to send to the League 
of Nations and to the governments of other nations telegrams 
about the events in the country, to arrange parades before' Polish 
consulates and to demand sending an international commission of 
inquiry into Galicia. 

In several cases there were committed governmental excesses 
and I punished those guilty ones. (An interruption: Whom?) A 
policeman who stole a golden watch was dismissed by me from 
service. Especially in those cases which aimed at humiliation of 
a racial sentiment, the guilty ones will be punished severely. 

DEPUTY RYMAR, of the National Club, says that there is 
in this House not even one Pole who would not condemn in most 
severe terms all the activities of the Ukrainian sabotagists and 
anti-Polish propaganda. The destruction of the secret Ukrainian 
organizations belong among the most elementary duties of every 
administration, but if we speak today so much of the pacification 
it is only because the Government should have done this sooner. 
The administration was warned already many a time against flirt- 
ing with elements which stand near those who now committed 
sabotages. Deputies St. Stronski and Wierczak, after the known 
acts of sabotage in November, 1928, in Lviv, called upon the ad- 
ministration to proceed severely and to punish the guilty ones. 
If the administration had then followed our advices, it would not 
today have to go so far. All the methods which were applied in 
September are fully approved. But today we speak of the ex- 
cesses of the civilian and military authorities on that occasion. 
To the motion of the majority of the Administrative Committee 
we have a clear answer: we accept to our knowledge these orders 
of the Government which are in agreement with the law, and reject 
those that are not in agreement. (Tumult on the benches of the 
B.B.) The emotion blends matters just and unjust, and that is 
why our Club will not vote for it. 

The Ukrainian deputies gave concrete facts of flogging, mal- 
treatment, destruction, but neither the deputy who brought. in the 
report, nor the representatives of the Government touched upon the 
subject. The deputy who made the report limited himself to 
quoting the speech of the Minister delivered in the Budget Com- 


mittee to the effect that he would punish the guilty ones. Ac- 
cording to our opinion, the words of the Minister uttered four 
months after the pacification had taken place, say unusually little. 
Such a method of the administration and its majority will have 
such consequences, that Mr. Zaleski, the Minister of the Foreign 
Affairs, will again have to offer excuses and apologies in Geneva. 
(Tumult.) Each of us must have read with a sense of shame the 
text of the Minister's reply to the complaint of the Volsksbund. 

We had the intention to support the second part of the 
Ukrainian motion which demands an investigation and punish- 
ment, but this was made impossible by the step of woman-deputy 
Rudnicky, who has sent her memorandum to the Secretary of the 
League of Nations. 

Interruption, "Here you see !" 

It is you who brought this about, by your demands that this 
body should take up the matter. As soon as the Ukrainian Club 
selected for themselves another tribunal, they cannot count upon 
us to raise our voice in this matter. For this reason I will refrain 
from voting, this, however, does not free me from my duty of 
calling the Government's attention to the fact that every action 
of the Government must be within the law, and the use of military 
detachments is useful neither for the Polish army nor for the 
Polish State. (Applause on the Right, tumult among the members 
of the B.B. and calls, "Shame!") 


After the closing speech by Deputy ZDZISLAW STRONSKI, 
of the B.B., who had made the report, the vote was taken, at 
which the majority of the House rejected the Ukrainian motion. 

"Kurjer Warszawski", Warsaw, in Polish, January 27, 1931. 

{The Polish censor deleted practically every word of the summary of 
Deputy Baran's speech in the House of Sejm, when it was published by the 
"Dilo," the Ukrainian daily of Lviv. — Ed.) 

{From our own Correspondent.) 

The debate on the horrors of Brest-Litovsk and on the atroci- 
ties in the Ukraine began in the Polish Seym last night, and went 
on until five this morning. It is noteworthy that the motion 
for an inquiry into the Brest-Litovsk affair and the punishment 
of the guilty was brought forward by the National Democrats — 


that is to say, by the Rightwing Opposition. The National Demo- 
crats, who have been looked upon as the worst fire-eaters and 
reactionaries in Poland, have shown far more liberalism and 
humanity than the Government bloc. They have denounced the 
horrors of Brest-LitoVsk, and, in spite of their great hostility to 
the National minorities, they have never stood for anything com- 
parable with the pacification of Eastern Galicia carried out under 
the present Dictatorship. It need hardly be said that the motion 
was defeated, for the Seym is now a packed jury, packed with the 
Government's supporters as a result of the November elections. 

It is also noteworthy that a member of the P. P. S. (Polish 
Socialist party), M. Dubois, spoke on behalf of the motion brought 
forward by the Ukrainian deputies. M. Dubois was one of the 
prisoners in Brest-Litovsk, but his spirit is unbroken. Even so 
ruthless and so formidable a character as Korfanty was broken 
by what he went through in that prison — only those who knew 
this old and hardened fighter will appreciate what the breaking 
of the spirit means. The spirit of Liebermann, it seems, is also 
broken, although he is a man of heroic mould, keen, intelligent, 
and of great resolution (he was, it will be remembered, beaten 
until he lost consciousness, and then went through a nightmare 
of terror and ill-treatment in prison, so that when, after many 
weeks in prison, he was released his own friends hardly rec- 
ognised him). 

31. Dubois and the Ukraine. 

M. Dubois's brave championship of the Ukrainians is all 
the more memorable not only because, having been in Brest- 
Litovsk himself, he knows what he will have to go through if he 
returns there, but also because is has not been very common for 
members of his party to fight oppression when directed against 
others than themselves. At least one member of his party, who 
has officially or unofficially acted as intermediary between the 
P. P. S. and the British Labour party, has helped the Polish 
Dictatorship by denouncing those who have exposed its oppressive 
measures (especially when directed against the minorities) as 
pro-Germans in London and elsewhere. 

But M. Dubois had suffered too much at the hands of the 
Dictatorship to be its friend, and in his speech before the Seym 
he severely attacked its methods. "If Poland is to be called a 
civilised State," he said, referring to the wholesale flogging of 


Ukrainian peasants, "then it cannot tolerate collective punish^ 
ment for the deeds of individual persons." He also declared that 
his party was in favour of Ukrainian Home Rule (which, inci- 
dentally, is on the Polish Statute-book already in a law that is 
left inoperative year in year out). 

Ministefs Defence. 

The minister of the Interior, Mr. Skladkowsky, declared that 
the data relating to the atrocities in the Ukraine were forged, 
but admitted that there had been some excesses. He said that 
the guilty had been punished. When asked who had been 
punished he was unable to give any instances. The motion put 
forward by the Ukrainian deputies was, of course, defeated. 

It is noteworthy that the thesis so often put forward by 
Polish propagandists — namely, that the Ukrainians were in- 
stigated to rebellion by Germany or Russia or both — not only 
remains untrue but remains unsupported by even the most shadowy 
evidence, although the debate in the Seym would have been an 
opportunity to bring such evidence forward, if it existed. The 
Ukrainian leader. Dr. Lewitsky, is in prison, and one of the 
charges against him apparently is that he connived treasonably 
with certain persons in Berlin. Documents purporting to disclose 
this connivance have been shown to several persons in London, 
but, so it would seem, only to such persons as either through 
partisanship or innocence in such tricky affjairs are unwilling 
or unable to estimate the true value of these documents. It 
would be instructive to know what the documents are and what 
is in them, and whether they are anything more? than a kind of 
propaganda calculated to impress the ignorant and the biased. 
In any case, the forthcoming trial of Dr. Lewitsky will be worthy 
of close attention. 

A number of Ukrainians have also been tried at Lvoff for 
acts of "sabotage" committed last year. It does not seem that 
at these trials any evidence of connivance with foreign Powers 
came to light; but unless some such evidence is produced, then 
the Polish claim that Germany or Russia or both^ are behind the 
Ukrainian movement must be looked upon as altogether baseless. 

{The Manchester Guardian, Wednesday, January 28, 1931). 





The debates of the Senate of the Polish Parliament yesterday 
(February 3, 1931) lasted from 4 till 11 o'clock in the evening . . . 
long lively debate which lasted several hours was called forth by 
the report of the committee on the Ukrainian motion in the matter 
of the so-called pacification of Eastern Little Poland, What was 
to be the fate of this motion, which called upon the government 
to conduct an investigation, to punish the guilty persons and pay 
damages, was known beforehand. The pro-government majority 
has rejected it already in the House of the Sejm, and in the Senate 
committee the representatives of the B.B. also declared themselves 
for its rejection. Hence during the discussion, the clubs merely 
demonstratively stated their respective stands. Against the report 
of the committee which demanded the rejection of the Ukrainian 
motion, there declared themselves, besides the Ukrainians, the 
representatives of the Club of the Polish Socialist Party and the 
Polish Peasant Club. The Senators of the National Club refrained 
from voting. During the discussion spoke Mr. Skladkowsky, Min- 
ister of the Interior. 

The matter was reported to the Senate by Senator ROLLE, 
of the B.B., who argued that the government's pacification was 
a necessity, called forth by Ukrainian sabotages. The Ukrainian, 
as well as foreign versions of the course of the pacification were, 
in the opinion of the senator, grossly exaggerated. To be sure, 
in a campaign so wide, in which upwards of 1800 persons were 
detained, there could occur certain excesses and unnecessary steps 
of the governmental organs, and perhaps detrimental to the govern- 
ment. The minister of the Interior had declared that he has 
ordered inquiry and the punishment of those guilty ones. The 
senator shares his opinion that there was in those excesses no 
system. There were also victims among the police and the soldiers, 
even accidents of death. 

Then the senator characterized the sabotage activities of the 
Ukrainians, which, he charged, was supported by elements from 

The motion of the majority of the Committee considers the 
pacification to be expedient and necessary and takes into account 
the Minister's assurance that an investigation was started by the 


government and the Minister's assurance that the perpetrators of 
the criminal acts would be punished and that damages would be 
paid. On the other hand, the Committee makes the motion that the 
motion of the Ukrainian Qub be rejected because it assumes 
beforehand that excesses were committed. In view of this the 
senator who makes the report gives the notice of his motion that 
the senate recognize that the methods of pacification were justified, 
and that the entire material presented in the form of the motiva- 
tion of the Ukrainian motion be handed over to the Minister of 
the Interior. 

During the debate that followed senator MAKUKH argued 
that only six arsons in the Eastern Little Poland had been at- 
tributable to the sabotages. According to the speaker's opinion, 
the Ukrainians had no political motive to start such a campaign, 
which would turn the attention of the Polish public from the 
struggle for democracy and the government by law. The speaker's 
opinion is that the purpose of the pacification was to destroy the 
property of the Ukrainians, to terrorize active individuals, and 
beside to prepare for the election. 

Minister Skladkowski interrupts, "Pacification" had also peace 
for its purpose. 

Senator Makukh further states that the so-called collective 
responsibility and collective punishment have been applied, and 
that soldiers were used contrary to the provisions of the law. 

Then followed the speech by woman — senator KLUSZYNSKA, 
of the Polish Socialist Party, who said among other things that 
for a series of weeks one hears in the Houses of the Parliament 
nothing else but they are beating. They are beating in the east, 
they are beating in the west, they are beating in the center. Wher- 
ever the government turns, it is always with a stick in hand. Is 
this necessary? Nobody says that sabotages should go unpunished, 
but sabotagists should be caught and delivered to the courts. Not 
only the Ukrainians were whipped, but on the way to them also 
the Poles. P. Winiarski, a Pole, writes her that he received 400 
blows, 100 in each installment. 

SENATOR EVERT : And could he stand all this ? 

SEN. KLUSZYNSKA: Let the senator only ask what the 
people stood in the prisons of the Cheka. The people are able to 
stand a great deal. It is too bad that they have to stand all this 
they are forced to stand in the prisons of the Cheka. 

stop making such comparisons. 


SENATOR KLUSZYNSKA : "Isn't one allowed to make com- 

THE MARSHAL: "There are certain comparisons." 

SENATOR KLUSZYNSKA: "Which are essential." 

THE MARSHAL : "The woman-senator knows well the Polish 
language and is in no need of using such words." 

SENATOR KLUSZYNSKA : "Thank you for this compliment." 

THE MARSHAL: "Please do not enter into discussion with 
the Marshal. 

SENATOR KLUSZYNSKA: "With you everything is 
measured by the conception of the 'strong government.' A strong 
government does not necessarily mean a strong State. What is 
that force in Poland which drives the State on that road? This 
is not the road to Poland's taking the position of a great power, 
this is not the road to the solution of the Ukrainian-Polish pro- 

SENATOR HORBACHEVSKY, of the Ukrainian Club, ap- 
pealed to the Senate to vote in favor of the Ukrainian motion. 

SENATOR GLOMBINSKI, of the (Polish) National Club, 
argued that all the citizens of the State are bound by loyalty to- 
wards the Republic. After the acts of sabotage had been planned, 
attempted and carried out, some strong action was necessary. 
The lenient policy of the government towards the hostile declara- 
tions and acts of certain organizations, aroused the younger ele- 
ment to such a degree that they began to burn, which w^as to be 
the opening of a greater campaign, in connection with the plans 
of Poland's neighbors. The moderate Ukrainian factions found no 
condemnation of those acts, at least not until it was already too 
late, when the pacification has already began. 

In spite of this the Senator's club would see no obstacle to 
demand an inquiry of the matter and possible punishment of the 
guilty ones, without prejudicating the question of the veracity of 
the charges. We stand for the government by law and ethics. 
In spite of this the National Club will not vote for the Ukrainian 
motion since the representatives of the Ruthenian race have al- 
ready entered upon the road which collides with the duty of every 
citizen who may not go abroad and file information against his 
own State before the League of Nations, especially before he has 
appealed in the matter to the Sejm and Senate of his own Par- 
liament. Because our vote in this matter could be misinterpreted 
the Club will refrain from the vote. 


Then followed the speech by SKLADKOWSKI, the Minister 
of the Interior. He stated that to the very pacification not one 
Ukrainian deputy has recognized Poland's frontiers. Not so long 
ago nobody could force them to use in the Sejm the term Little 
Poland, or even Eastern Galicia. They alw^ays spoke of Western 
Ukraine. I w^arn that it is not we who dig chasms but you, by 
your policy. If the Polish government desired to destroy the 
Ukrainian people, it had sufficient basis for that before the world 
to order martial law, to proclaim the state of war, and then 
hundreds of people, and not a miserable eleven, would go down 
before the machine guns. The government used a completely 
moderate method in order to prevent a clash between two races, 
as this was planned by those who had planned the sabotages. 

The gentlemen repeat forever the fact about the errant 
bayonet, which is supposed to have been planted by the police. 
I do not know of this fact but it is evidently the only fact when 
you continually use it and when you generalize it. There appeared 
in a Ukrainian paper an obituary of a priest who, God be thanked, 
is still alive; if I cared to generalize such fact then I would say 
that nobody was killed as there was an obituary of a priest and 
the priest is alive. 

SENATOR MAKUKH, He was so badly beaten that all be- 
lieved he was dead. 

MINISTER SKLADKOWSKI: "But does the editor believe 
this who wrote this ? It was believed only by those who read it, 
and it was calculated to beguide them. 

I confirm categorically that the Polish government had no 
intention of destroying the Ukrainian people, but destroys only 
those who cause sabotages and disorders. Those people evidently 
have been caught if there is order. This is clear and simple, the 
government will continue to seek by the most lenient means to 
bring about a peaceful co-existence of the two races, even if some 
politicians would care otherwise." (Applause on the benches of 
the B.B.) 

SENATOR WOZNICKI, of the (Polish) Peasant Club. "In 
the name of the senators of the peasantry I declare that whenever 
a charge will be made against the authorities of the acts such as 
mentioned in the Ukrainian motion, the Club will always vote in 
favor of an investigation of the affair and in favor of punishing 
those truly responsible for the criminal acts actually perpetrated. 
In our opinion, the persons guilty of acts directed against the 
society or against the State, should be visited by well deserved 


punishments, but we recognize no collective responsibility. As we 
see in the motion of the committee's majority no settlement of 
this painful affair, we shall vote against the motion of the Judiciary 

SENATOR ROLLE, of the B.B., spoke again as the member 
who had made the report. After his speech the motion of the 
pro-government majority, accepted by the committee, was ac- 
cepted by the House ; thus the motion of the Ukrainian Club was 

"Kurjer Warsawski," Warsaw, in Polish, February 4, 1931. 




To speak on the pacification is no easy matter. For every 
man possessed of any kind of humane feeling this is a topic ex- 
ceedingly distressing and painful. I am deeply convinced that 
should even all those facts adduced here by the senator who gave 
the report on the matter were true, still the pacification was not 
necessary in the form in which it was carried out. 

The Ukrainian-Polish conflict did not start yesterday. This 
is a conflict of historic duration which has lasted for centuries. 
Gentlemen, there are no politics without an economic substratum. 
The great landlords in the borderlands are the Poles, and the 
Ukrainian peasant is that petty owner, cottager, who suffers 

This is one of the causes of the conditions of the Polish society. 

For more than a hundred years, the nations, which had dis- 
membered Poland, had never had any interest in constructing a 
bridge between the Polish and the Ukrainian people over which 
the two races could approach each other. Those hostile forces 
did everything in their power to separate the two races inhabit- 
ing the same territory. The problem of far reaching national 
importance cannot be looked upon from a narrow courtyard of 
this or that administration, as these are matters requiring a wider 
perspective , since these are matters that do not end with us but 
will continue to exist long after us, with such consequences that 
those who will follow us will reap the fruits of what we are sowing 
at present. 


Every race has the right to be independent. What was the 
relation to this principle on the part of that man who is for us, 
at least for the majority of this House, alpha and omega. Here 
I have the appeal of the Supreme Commandant (of the Polish 
armies) with which he marched into Ukraine, to Kiev. What did 
the Supreme Commandant say to the Ukrainian people? 

"I am bringing you independence and I am bringing you de- 
liverance on the swords, on the sabres of the Polish soldier. It 
is for this freedom that the Polish soldier shed his blood." 

Why, these are historic documents, which can be crossed out 
by nobody, as they exist and testify. 

These historic documents confirm that the Ukrainian people 
were spoken to about independence in their entity. There even 
exists a declaration of the Polish Parliament which represents 
the matter in that manner. 

In the Constitutional Parliament of 1922, the autonomy of 
Eastern provinces was spoken of. Socialists demanded autonomy 
for all the eastern provinces (as a whole). This conception was 
not supported. Another conception was accepted, according to 
which each of the provinces was to enjoy autonomy of its own. 
But was that law on autonomy, passed by the Constitutional Par- 
liament, carried out? Were there any efforts to approach the 
Ukrainian people ? No, nothing was done on the part of Poland 
that should have been done. NOTHING WAS DONE BY THE 
THAT HAS NO POWER.* I have the deepest conviction that 
among you, gentlemen, there are many who have the sense for 
the perspective, and who think that the road from the "Federa- 
tion" to "pacification" is not the road which the Polish Nation 
should have traveled. 

When we proclaim that the existence of the Polish Nation 
is based upon treaties, then there is in Poland not even one Pole 
who would proclaim that the frontiers of the Polish Nation are 
violable. This is the essence of the treaties. But Poland has also 
some obligations arising out of these treaties, towards the citizens 

* The words are underscored by me as they are a direct testimony on the 
question of fact on which the correspondent of the London Times passed an 
opinion without giving us the data on which that opinion is based. This is a 
testimony of a prominent Polish politician. Outside of her testimony as to the 
fact of non-existence of any conciliatory efforts on the part of the Polish 
government, she seems to be of the opinion that the Polish government occupies 
towards the citizens of its own State, in all the conciliatory efforts, a com- 
manding position. Let the reader decide for himself : Which side may begin 
conciliatory efforts more easily, that is without fear for its own existence? — Ed. 


who live within the Polish Nation and are not of the Polish race. 
That is why when we demand that the entire world respect, and 
be bound by, the treaties towards us, we should also proclaim that 
those treaties bind also the Polish Nation as to its relation towards 
its citizens.* 

And for this reason it is a bad policy that gives the enemy 
those very weapons which we consider deadly to the interests of 
the Polish Nation. The racial minorities have the right in Poland 
to demand all those rights which are theirs. 

We have a neighbor, Czechoslovakia, in which there are six 
or seven racial minorities. There is there a government in which 
there are Germans and Slovaks and the representatives of racial 
minorities. They sit there together and cooperate for the Nation.** 

In Poland instead there is a Dictatorship, and a Dictatorship 
is an antithesis of legality. That is why all the things are possible 
in Poland. It seems that even those members of the Parliament, 
Sejm and Senate, who are most humorously inclined, will admit 
that if for a series of weeks in both Houses of the Polish Parlia- 
ment we hear nothing else but of floggings, if we hear continuous 
talk : they flog in the west, they flog in the east, they flog in the 
center, then isn't this terrible? 

Minister Skladkowski interrupts: Children! 

* Here is again a point on which the speaker would clash with the Polish 
Dictatorship and its apologists abroad. The Warsaw correspondent of the 
Times expresses exactly that opinion : the Ukrainians who had been occupied 
by Poland are bound to be loyal to the Polish Nation, whose frontier is inviol- 
able because they are guaranteed by international treaties, but the Polish Nation 
is not bound by those treaties to carry out in practice those obligations which 
she had undertaken upon herself in these treaties. Even if this were still an 
open question is it too much to expect from great newspapers at least a fair 
statement of the fact that a certain group of the Polish political thought favors 
the recognition of the principle that an international obligation binds both sides, 
that if a treaty is to stand and bring benefits to one side, it should stand also 
and bring benefits to the other side? — Ed. 

** This is a reply to the Polish propaganda that tries to create an impression 
abroad that the Ukrainians are treated fairly by the Polish government. A wide 
publicity was given in America to the statements of the Polish ambassador and 
Polish consuls in the United States according to which the Ukrainians partici- 
pate widely in various branches of the Polish government. The Warsaw corre- 
spondent of the Times stated that the Ukrainian revolutionary group tries to 
scare the Ukrainians away from taking governmental positions. Here a Polish 
politician makes a statement before the Polish Parliament, and she was not 
challenged for it, that no Ukrainians were admitted into the Polish government. 


Senator Dora Kluszynska : If Lord Minister thinks that Po- 
land's citizens are children, and you consider yourself their father, 
then wouldn't you ask them, do those children want to have you 
for their father? 

Wherever a governmental organ turns, it is always with a 
stick in his hand. Is this necessary? 

Nobody says that sabotages should go unpunished. If there 
was a conspiracy, if the property of citizens was set on fire, then 
the guilty persons should be punished severely, the sabotagists 
should be discovered and handed over to the courts. 

The senator who gave us the report, asked, what is better : an 
executioner or "pacification"? 

Personally I oppose capital punishment. However, if the exe- 
cutioner comes, he comes after a verdict, but never before a verdict. 
And here came pacification before a verdict. There were no 
investigations, there came pacification and issued verdicts upon a 
wide area, comprising hundreds upon hundreds of kilometers. 

There were flogged not only Ukrainians. As is well known, 
where logs are cut, chips fly about. Poles, too, were flogged, by 
the way. I have here the name of a Polish citizen, — Winiarski is 
his name, — he wrote to his family in Western Poland. I do not 
utter a word for the Ukrainians, I do not have to speak in their 
defense, they can defend themselves. But this is a Pole. I have 
a document here signed by the man's full name, in which he says : 
I received 400 blows with sticks, 100 in each instalment. Four 
executioners, he writes, took part in that punishment, and when I 
yelled and swore that I am a Pole, they said, "Who says that thou 
art a Pole?" 

The government wants to show that it is strong. But this 
strength consists in flogging people. 

Well, gentlemen, a strong government does not necessarily 
mean a strong nation. French governments are such that today 
they exist, and tomorrow they are no more, another government 
coming in the place. But I would be happy, indeed, if Poland were 
as strong as France, with all those changing administrations of 

If Mr. Zaleski (the Polish Minister of the Foreign Affairs,— 
Ed.) tried to defend himself in Geneva,— and Poland is continually 
a litigant in Geneva,— by means of the declarations of our Lords 
Ministers, believe me, gentlemen, that he would lose all along the 
line. There he could not use the arguments which are used here 
with such a force before the Polish public. There he would have 
to fold himself like a jackknife, to bow to the right and to the 


left, saying, "This wasn't so black, it was otherwise." How it 
was the Lord Minister will probably tell us there in the Commit- 
tee on the Foreign Affairs, but he will tell us only half of the 
truth. (Interruptions.) 

Only exceedingly short-sighted persons could imagine that one 
may govern by violence. To govern by violence in the long run 
is impossible. Especially a Nation of thirty millions of mixed 
population cannot stand a government of violence ! 

That is why I address you at this period of the proceedings : 
the road of pacification, I am deeply convinced, is detrimental to 
the Polish Nation. Any thought of revenge is foreign to me 
completely. This is a sentiment which in consequences must bring 
the man to moral downfall. That is why I do not speak of revenge, 
and not threaten anybody. 

Whenever one talks to one of the gentlemen privately and 
asks him what arguments he has (in favor of the pacification), 
he answers: Marshal Pilsudski's ideology. This is an easy way 
but. But this is not the way upon which one could solve such a 
great problem as the conflict between the Polish and the Ukrainian 
people. This is a problem which requires completely different 
methods. Shall we reach a reconciliation with that race through 
collective responsibility? Collective responsibility does not exist 
any more in the law. Such a thing is no more permissible that 
the government should be alowed to drive together 40 or 50 citi- 
zens, and without an investigation start whipping everybody in 
order to set an example. 

It seems to me that a considerable part of our people live 
today in some kind of psychosis. If there rose before you, gentle- 
men, Skarga, or if six Reytans were to lie down on this threshold, 
saying, "Turn back: your road is bad!" some of you would drop 
your eyes, others would merely smile.* That smile is also one of 

* Piotr Skarga, 1532-1612, a Polish Jesuit, a court preacher of Polish 
king Sigismund III, known in Poland's history for his preachings agaitist 
social and political evils, which in his mind were undermining the power 
of the Polish State. 

Tadeusz Reytan, a Polish patriot, made himself famous by his uncom- 
promising opposition to the Russophile party at the Polish Sejm of 1773, 
convoked by the Russophile party for the purpose of ratification of the first 
partition of Poland. When the leader of the Russophile party, acting as 
elected Speaker ("Marshal") of the Sejm, attained his purpose and dissolved 
the Sejm, Reytan tried to prevent the deputies from dispersing by lying 


the methods which the camp in saddle applies. Here a senator 
relates : they whipped, they thrashed, they destroyed property, 
and others sit in the House and laugh. Even if all this were not 
true, — if a man out of his deepest conviction, a man of a wronged 
people, tells you this, then most elementary decency should tell 
you not to laugh at such a moment, but to think that some kind 
of a wrong must have happened to these people, and a great wrong 
at that, since their cultural achievements were destroyed, and 
his very belief in the law, his faith in the legality, which is both 
the greatest loss of those people and a tremendous loss of the 
(Polish) Nation. 

These are matters which will find distressing and painful 
echoes outside of the Polish frontiers, which will place Poland 
in such a position that she will have to go and apologize and excuse 
herself why such things are happening in Poland. Gentlemen, 
there is in the government at the present moment no factor which 
would like and which could turn away from this road. What has 
to happen, will happen within Poland, but Poland will again be a 
litigant in Geneva in the matter of pacification. My standpoint 
is that the weighty mistakes committed by the government of the 
May coup d'etat will have painful consequences. 

Can Poland allow herself the luxury of a declaration that she 
does not care for the rest of the world? Can Poland afford to 
take the stand that she cares nothing for what they say about 
her? For this reason the Polish government of the period of 
pacification is responsible for the pacification in Little Poland. 
Responsible are those people who conducted that government. 
May we never come to repent their deeds ! 

I am under the impression that matters of this kind do not 
pass by without leaving traces, as the gentlemen of the govern- 
ment camp aver, that the affair will weigh heavily upon Poland's 
fate. I state that the pacification was unnecessary and unfounded. 

bodily on the threshold of the hall. The majority of the deputies, hoivever, 
left the hall, walking over his body. Reytan left it 38 hours later realizing 
the inexpediency of further opposition. Seven years later he died of his 
own hand. 

The Russophile party was supported by the Tsarist Government, with 
money and soldiers. The party worked against the best interests of Poland. 
The Polish Government, in supporting such "Ukrainian" deputies, as Bachyn- 
sky, Peter Pevny, and the like, is following the same policy as that once 
adapted by Russian tsars, against ivhich the Poles speak with deep moral 


That is why I think that the conception of the Senator who 
presented the report, and according to whom the measures of 
the pacification were necessary and well founded, is an unhappy 
interpretation of the whole problem. If you, gentlemen, have no 
strength to say, "We are guilty, we have committed errors !", 
then at least do not say that the measures were well founded, 
since they surely were not founded, at least in that form and in 
that extent in which they were practiced. And this is because 
the form itself in which the pacification was carried out is unheard- 
of sneer at all the conceptions of the government by the law and 
at all the conceptions of humanity. 

(Applause on the benches of the Opposition.) 

{The translation was made from the speech as published by the "Amery- 
ka-Echo," the Polish weekly, Toledo, Ohio. — Ed.) 


The "pacification" debate of the Polish Parliament was awaited with 
great eagerness. Under some conditions it could have proved itself to be 
a frank and open discussion of the differences in the Polish-Ukrainian 
relations with an object of finding a certain mode of existence of the two 
races thrown together into one State. 

The debate, however, cannot maintain such a claim. It was launched 
by the Ukrainian motion, but the conduct of the debate passed at once 
into the hands of the Parliamentary majority, the pro- government "non- 
partizan bloc." The government sandwiched the "pacification" between 
the layers of such highly tense and irritating subjects as the Brest affair, 
electoral frauds, and immunity of arrested deputies. The debate, con- 
sequently, was held in the tense atmosphere, heavy with charges, ugly 
details, bitter resentment and shame, on one hand, and arrogant resolution 
to show the strong hand, on the other. 

With the Ukrainians sided a considerable portion of the Polish Op- 
position. This gave the Ukrainians a considerable support, hut this, too, 
put the pro- government bloc into a still uglier mood. The majority were 
outraged to see their Polish colleagues side with those whom the government 
branded as sotnething of traitors. The Opposition was to them like traitors 
of Poland. They could not listen to them quietly nor discuss their ar- 
guments with an even mind. 

The government and the pro- government majority were resolved to 
rush the pacification in the Houses. With this object in view, they made 
the "pacification" one of a full score of points in the order of the day. 
As a result of this, the various questions connected with such a wide 
subject were not discussed but merely touched upon. The members of 
the pro- government group presented in short general, unspecified argu- 
ments whic^h demanded long arguments; when the speaker of the Opposi- 
tion entered into them the chairmen maintained that their time was up. 



For these reasons, the debate can hardly he considered a fair search for 
the solution of the problef?i. It is hardly anything riore than a statement of 
the respeciiie attitudes of the various sides. This is a valuable contribution 
in itself, but nothing more than that. 

In a general way, those respective attitudes were fuxtaposited schemat- 
ically in the following way. 

No matter what differences there tvere betiveen the various groups of 
opposing the Polish government on this case, they were all united on cer- 
tain principles. First of all, they proclaimed themselves to be agreed that 
every race has the right to self-determination. The Ukrainians usually quoted 
the precedent of the Polish independence, making out of this an argument 
in favor of Ukrainian independence. The Opposition knew that this argu- 
ment would not be acceptable to the Voles, who ivould probably think that 
they are a higher race entitled to independence, while t:he Ukrainians are 
a lower race ivho cannot aspire to such lofty rights, and hence they quoted 
the words of the pro- government g